Findings
The following section presents citizen insights on APS service delivery in regional Australia and a small number of urban communities. Using the focus group data, this section explicitly answers the four research questions identified in the terms of reference. These are presented in five sub-sections, with key findings outlined at the beginning of each sub-section followed by a detailed description of citizens’ responses.
What is the state of trust in Australian public services in regional Australia?
Key Findings
- Context matters. Trust in Australian public services is influenced by a range of community characteristics including socio-economic conditions, environmental conditions, community capacity, remoteness and scale.
- Service equity. Service quality was perceived to be broadly similar in regional and urban communities due to the increasing availability of online platforms. Although poorer access to the internet and technological capability in regional areas is potentially limiting for some citizens.
- Remoteness can improve resilience. Some remote communities studied exhibited strong resilience to service deficits, with citizens working together to overcome challenges by developing alternative pathways.
Context matters
In this project focus groups were undertaken in 22 different communities, each with different economic, demographic, environmental and geographic characteristics (see Appendix 2). Despite the differences between these communities, their broad perceptions and understanding of the drivers of trust in Australian public services were similar; although, nuanced differences were observable when types of services, the nature of service delivery and access to services were considered.
Regional citizens felt their communities were different from others, that they faced different and often unique issues and hence context-based services were important. Additionally, prevailing economic conditions of communities affected their trust in government services, with those facing additional adversity, such as drought, displaying reduced trust in government due to their perceived lack of support from government:
“Your brother might share this with you sometimes too, that he probably feels that [Regional Centre] is quite different from the rest of the country and that they feel like their issues are quite unique. I think [Regional Centre] also feels like that. That we’re just a little bit separate from the rest of [State] and things work a bit differently here to how they might work in the city.” [FG26]
“I think we’re exposed more to the drought, which at the present time is affecting a lot of people’s trust in the government. … They’re giving very limited resources out, access to services” [FG6]
For others, cost of living and employment conditions were high priorities, while a perceived “lack of humanity” in government affected peoples’ trust in it to deliver policies (and with that services) that would make a positive difference in their lives. These differences between communities were identified by a small number of participants who recognised the efforts of policy and programs, but who sought more bespoke services that better suited their community needs, and which would improve their trust in services:
“Perhaps around here there have been some small good changes and that happens everywhere but there’s a lot of lacking things that aren’t really looked at, and it seems like they don’t really want to listen to what people are talking about and saying within the communities and what they need. So, what’s the point in trusting them? Why not just do it ourselves?” [FG34]
This highlights the importance of context in designing and implementing services to ensure they meet the priority needs identified by the community and hence engender trust in service delivery.
Service similarities and differences
Given the low number of focus groups undertaken in urban areas, direct comparison of service delivery perceptions is difficult and was not the intent of this research; however, some case communities were in major regional centres, which does provide some insights. In one major regional centre, the perceived difference in the quality of public service delivery between their community and remote communities was stark:
“I think most of the time when they deliver their services they do them reasonably well. Probably with the exception I think in rural and remote areas, I think they do appallingly badly in those areas.” [FG19]
Some regional citizens who have also experienced metropolitan service delivery did not think that being in a regional area affected service delivery outcomes, with one participant thinking it might be easier in regional areas due to parking availability, while another found it much quicker:
“Well, I’ve lived in both, I don’t think it really makes any difference. Really. Still go to [Health Support Service], [Financial Support Service] here, it’s just – get the same service I would have got in Sydney.” [FG7]
“I think it’s easier to get face to face in [regional town] than it would have been in Sydney, because of the parking issues and all that sort of stuff.” [FG7]
“I moved from Sydney three years ago. In Sydney to go to my local [Financial Services Agency] office, it was a 10, 15 minute line up to put your name down, and then standing, not sitting because all the seats were already full, for two, three hours, to actually see somebody. The first time I went down to the local [Financial Services Agency] office here, I was in and out in 10 minutes.” [FG7]
While some participants did not feel they missed out on services, others noted that services were becoming increasingly difficult to access, which was seen as important if a user was new to the service:
“I don’t think we miss out, I think everyone’s in the same boat.” [FG12]
“I know people who find it difficult, but they’re [in remote areas], out of the area, but they’ve said, “We can still access it.” Through their internet, the communication, the technology; that’s helping really.” [FG35]
“We’re losing out a little bit insofar as offices are being closed in regional areas … It makes it more difficult to access the services. It takes away an option, whether make a phone call, or actually go and face someone. Especially if you’re accessing a service for the first time, and so it’s complicated, and it’s new, and you don’t have a good understanding of it.” [FG7]
“I think when you deal with mostly online or over the phone, you don’t notice as much and coming back to that trust, you trust that the federal government will ensure the services are available nationwide regardless of location. It becomes an issue when you physically have to utilise the retail offices and that’s where I think regional locations are clearly a bit difficult.” [FG32]
These service delivery experiences highlight the importance of online services to enable equity of access to all citizens, and the need to continue to provide access to shopfronts across regional areas.
Here, and throughout this report very few differences were identified between the perspectives and experiences of regional and urban citizens that did not emerge from highly localised effects such as the structure of the local economy. This highlights the importance of not assuming significant attitudinal difference when treating regional and urban citizens in policy terms. While it is acknowledged that regional communities often face different challenges to urban communities and hence may require alternative service delivery systems (e.g. mobile services), in terms of service delivery regional citizens expect the same service qualities as their urban counterparts.
Remoteness and resilience
Like urban citizens, regional citizens’ trust in Australian public service delivery was premised on their service experiences and outcomes; however, particularly in remote communities, citizens were aware they had less access to some services (not core services like Medicare, Centrelink or ATO but services such as allied support, etc.) and hence needed to source other forms of support:
“Because it’s just not there so you go find something else. … You do something else. You go somewhere else. You find an alternative.” [FG36]
In addition, some remote communities highlighted the underlying community cohesion that supported alternative support options, where the community worked to support their vulnerable people whether it be through community-run transport to services in regional centres, fundraising for locally-based health equipment (although often with poor support from authorities – see Box 1), or simply looking out for local community members:
“And [regional community] is a very helping community. If I had somebody coming in and they were not complying … they really had an issue and their family had an issue, I would go out of my way to help that family within my framework, … I’d do everything possible” [FG17]
However, some citizens felt that this need for self-sufficiency was inequitable when compared with services urban citizens were perceived to receive:
“But it shouldn’t be down to the people to look after themselves out here more or less. Whereas, if you go in the city, there’ll be three or four different places you can visit.” [FG6]
A number of remote community focus group participants were highly entrepreneurial in their work and their approach to addressing community needs. They attributed this to the demands of living in regional communities and the need to be flexible to survive, and the desire to help:
“Economically it's much harder than regional, so you need to be prepared to kind of flip and be diverse, have a bit of diversity and be resourceful.” [FG18]
“I actually went for a job interview this morning at the hospital, but still not enough hours in that either, so in my spare time, I volunteer for St John and we go and help people and take them to hospital.” [FG18]
The self-sufficiency and associated resilience of some regional and remote communities provides opportunities for bespoke, place-based service delivery approaches. Coupled with improved genuine engagement, government support for place-based service delivery could help to improve both service delivery outcomes and, consequently, lift public trust. Such support would need to be designed around local community needs, and account for existing community capabilities including available skills and formal and informal institutional support networks (see Appendix 1).
Box 1. Community support for alternative service pathways
A few years ago now, I can’t remember exactly when, but it was just when I was finishing work at the hospital, they had an empty room at the back, and at the time there was 10 dialysis patients. And the Lion’s Club bought a dialysis chair and all the machinery that goes with it, and they put it in the old kitchen out the back. But the hospital didn’t employ a nurse or train a nurse as a dialysis carer. And these people, some of them came in for a week or two – I don’t know if you’ve had anything to do with dialysis, but it’s very touchy. You walk around with a thing in your arm here, and you have to connect yourself up. There’s no nurse checking you’re okay, no nurse checking you’re okay to take it off. Anyhow, so it fell through, people just didn’t end up going, which is what some of us that had a bit of a say at the time said we have to – and now, they’re all these people, and three of them are quite critically ill, they’re end stage. And it’s disgraceful. The room’s still out there, and apparently the hospital sold the dialysis machine to some other place.
What trust means to Australian citizens and public service delivery
Key Findings
Four value-based components of trust inform public trust in Australian public services:
- Integrity – procedural transparency and fairness, competence, consistency of information, advice and treatment
- Empathy – duty of care, respect and understanding
- Loyalty – an expectation for ongoing support and guidance
- Delivery – that the service promise will be met
These can be considered micro-psychological contracts between government and citizen and are keys to building service culture.
Before we could explore citizen trust in Australian public service delivery, we first needed to understand what trust means to them. From this, four interrelated components of trust were identified: a) integrity, b) empathy, c) loyalty, and d) attributes associated with delivery (or services or promises). These are not discrete components, with potential for duplication of attributes across the four (e.g. reliability is important for integrity and delivery), and considerable interaction across components (e.g. behaving with integrity is important for high quality service delivery). It is also important to understand that each of these components drive trust. If service delivery is not compliant with the trust characteristics deemed important to citizens, then trust is eroded. This could simply be a single characteristic (e.g. loyalty) or an accumulation of characteristics:
“Yeah I trust people whose values are reflected in what they do, and therefore someone who has a caring, and empathetic relationship, and understanding of people, and show that so that they’re not primarily based by their own selfish concerns, but the needs of other people, in a genuine way.” [FG7]
Table 3 outlines the key trust attributes identified by participants, within each of the four trust components for broad notions of trust, and for trust in government service delivery. Each component is described further below.
Integrity
Integrity is a broad component of trust that encompasses strong moral principles and the attributes that signify compliance with them. As described in Table 3, attributes of integrity are based on personal attributes such ‘gut-instinct’ and perceptions of body language, attributes closely related to service culture including values, honesty, respect, dignity, humility, trustworthiness, privacy (confidence/discretion) and actions, or governance related attributes such as genuine engagement, inclusion, transparency, accountability and communication. Across the integrity component is experience and reputation, demonstrating the importance of prior encounters of individuals and their networks in determining trust.
Table 3. Components of trust and their attributes
Trust Component | Attributes of generic trust | Attributes of trust in government services |
---|---|---|
Integrity | Body language (eg. eye contact), Gut instinct, Calm nature, Honesty, Reputation, Truth, Trustworthy, Values/beliefs/principles, Respect/mutual respect, Not condescending, Goodwill, Transparency, Open (communication), Words, behaviour, actions, Peace of mind, Inclusion, Confidence/Discretion, Genuine engagement, Diligence, Experts in their field, Humility, Dignity | Common courtesy, Integrity (keeping word, doing what they say they will do), Showing helpfulness and interest, Previous experience, Compliance with defined values, Reputation (reviews and feedback), Fairness, Accountability, Treated with respect, Previous scandals, Transparency, Honesty, Public value, Responsibility for actions |
Empathy | Friendly, How they treat others, Listening, Empathy, Fairness, Kindness, Interest, Engaged in conversation, Compassion/caring, Involvement, Openness, Selfless | How others are treated, Personal contact, Empathy, Kind, Patient, Compassionate and understanding, Listening |
Loyalty | Reliability, Dependability, Loyalty, Confidentiality, Faithfulness, Supportive | Reliability, Keeping promises, Equity for all Australians |
Delivery | Consistency, Reputation, Follow through, Reliability/What they say is what they do/Actions match words, Dependability , Experience/previous actions, History of performance, Accountable, Impact, Open discussion, Support, Non-judgemental, Equity (fair go), Objective | Consistency, Timely delivery of services, Ease of service use, Follow through, Reliability, Data retention/privacy, Accessibility, Personal contact, Solutions, Implementable policies, Effective communication, Quality information, Understanding regional is different to metro, Knowledgeable staff, Delivering public value, One on one Human service, Genuine conversation, History (experiences), Right answer first time, Competency, Welcoming |
A large number of focus group participants identified integrity as being an essential attribute of trust, and often identified integrity as ‘following through on your word’:
“I’ve actually just got three words and that’s “integrity, honesty and transparency. … [Integrity] means doing what you say you’re going to do and following through and being true to your word. There’s a lot of promising in all families and communities and governments, a lot of promises that never get ---” [FG16]
“I’ve got integrity, they’re keeping their word, providing what they say they’re going to do, showing helpfulness and interest in whatever they’re showing you.” [FG6]
For some, the incongruence of service delivery (whether real or perceived) with their individual values is insurmountable, resulting in low ratings of trust for public services:
“Yes because of my experience and family experiences. Especially with the [Health service] and stuff lately, hearing about people and the problems and simply by staff struggling to get help for their children is just disgusting. There is no other word to put it really. People who need help should get help.” [FG12]
Empathy
Empathy was raised as being critical for trust in service delivery in all of the focus groups, and included attributes relating to the treatment of citizens including kindness, patience, listening etc. Empathy did not have to be felt personally however, with the treatment of others during service delivery also important in the determination of trust towards Australian public service delivery. Some participants noted that the local frontline staff are not empathetic:
“Oh it’s just the people that are in our office. Just some of them aren’t empathic. They actually remind me of psychopaths to be quite honest. There’s a couple of them, no feeling, no emotion, you could cry in front of them and you wouldn’t even get a “Oh dear, sorry” you know, pat on the back. They’re very cold. Like you’re another number to them.” [FG12]
“My mother-in-law, and my wife looks after her and [Health service agency] just terrible. They don’t see any empathy, their people don’t understand the issues even though they’re supposed to be empathetic. They just don’t seem to care what your problems are with the aged.” [FG8]
The general assumption that regional service delivery staff will be more empathetic when they know the community was found to be incorrect in at least one of the case communities:
“No, that’s not the case, definitely not the case. They’re still doing their job within the framework that they’ve been given. So you can’t -you know as much as it pisses you off, they’re doing their job. Some people aren’t touchy-feely emotional people and I guess we need to realise that as well.” [FG12]
Loyalty
Loyalty was a strong component of trust identified by focus group participants and directly related to notions of the Australian government’s responsibility to its citizens and equity of service delivery in terms of support for all Australian citizens:
“[I have trust when] the government shows it has an obligation to you as a citizen of the country and you feel that through every service that they do provide you. … You will feel that ok that is something that they should be doing anyway and you feel like they’re taking full responsibility for their obligation to take care of you as a citizen of the country.” [FG3]
However, citizens believe that there is a disconnection between government views of service users as customers or clients or sometimes consumers and the view of the majority of focus group participants that they are citizens:
“Actually, that’s a very good analogy. Australians are being treated as customers rather than citizens. Yes. I would say that is the point. What can we get out of you and how can we get it better, rather than, hang on, you’re the citizen, you put us here, what can we do for you?” [FG22]
Some participants felt that the loyalty value is eroding, due to government not delivering on equity and a perceived decline in the government’s commitment to caring for its people over recent years:
“Yeah, it's supposed to be a fair country, we're all supposed to get the same opportunities, that's what we boast about being Australian, Australian citizens, whatever, when it's in actual fact the exact opposite.” [FG18]
“When I came I really [had] trust in all the government policies, I trusted. I could tell that they really care about the people. They used to put people first. … but now I not sure about that anymore to be honest.” [FG17]
This notion of loyalty was also expressed by other participants, who identified that trust was ‘having your back’ and that the government should have the citizen’s back, particularly pensioners:
“[Trust is] The knowledge that someone will have your back. So a bit like a parent does for a child. And in regard to politicians, and our government, we should be able to trust that they are looking after the people in their charge, which is us, because they’re not in charge of us. They should be looking after the people in their charge and that’s us.” [FG15]
“Yeah, just living is more, the pensions are so limited and there's just so - you feel sorry for people who made Australia what it is, where they're being chastised by the system. I'm not looking forward to getting older in Australia anymore. You're lucky to survive.” [FG18]
Correlated with issues of integrity and values, the (mis)alignment of government service actions with participant values was a strong driver of trust in overall government service delivery, with one participant concerned with the government’s perceived mistreatment of vulnerable citizens which lets Australians down – a lack of loyalty:
“My personal view is that I'm happy to work and pay tax to support other people that are struggling to get work, I like to live in a country where if you can't get work you're not going to go hungry, you're not going to go homeless. So, I would like [Financial Service Agency] to provide a really great service basically to people that need it and God forbid, if I ever end up in that position I'd like the support. So it disturbs me to think that my perception of the Australian Government is that they treat people on welfare like they are just problems that should be gotten rid of and not as humans that need help. Again, I think the individual staff members that man the phones, I think from what I’ve heard from friends and family they're all quite good, but it's their management, their system, their structure that just lets them down and it lets so many every day Australians down. So that's what the one's for, yeah plenty of people end up with money in their bank account at the end of the fortnight but for most people it's not enough and the headaches that go along with it, it just sounds traumatic basically.” [FG14]
Delivery
Trust was inextricably linked to service delivery with all participants identifying that trust in Australian public service delivery is based on their delivery experience. For the delivery component of trust the attributes identified by focus group participants are typically descriptive based on service experience and associated institutional barriers (see Figure 2). Although the experiences of others within their social networks were also identified as important attributes (environmental barriers). For example, did they get an outcome (whether positive or negative) within an appropriate timeframe, was delivery transparent, was there consistency in service delivery (i.e. information, outcomes) (these attributes are considered in further detail in the following sections of the findings).
An important finding here was how participants understood and rated trust, which may contribute to understanding why regional citizens trust Australian public services less that their urban counterparts (further research is needed to verify this finding). For many regional participants there was a strong perception that trust is not implicit, that it is earned:
“I believe trust is earned. Someone needs to prove themselves of being trustworthy. And this can come about by being honest, being reliable, not breaking promises, and doing what you say you’re going to do, and sticking by you.” [FG31]
“I think trust is earned not given. I don’t expect to trust people on face value ever. As soon as I meet somebody, I instantly never trust them until I’ve got reasons to trust them.” [FG29]
“One thing about trust is as far as I’m concerned it’s always earned. So people earn my trust and they do that by demonstrating it in an active way so that I know that I’ve done something with them, told them something, acted with them in a way that I’ve felt like they had my back and I had theirs.” [FG30]
While a minority of participants were more open to granting initial trust, this could then be lost through poor experiences etc:
“I'm not saying they're perfect. I'm saying I trust them and that I have no reason to distrust them so basically, I think they do what they say they will do...” [FG14]
“I guess that comes back to the whole, you know, you’re taught from a young age that you can trust those departments. So even though you might get your trust knocked down, you know you’ve still got some form of trust in them, given that it might not be very much but it’s still there in some form.” [FG5]
“I never thought “could I trust this or can’t I trust this” because it’s got ‘.gov’ at the end of the website. I’m like this is the Australian Government – how could I not trust them…” [FG3]
“Well it goes back to the frustration you feel when you have to deal with them … just even the thought of calling them filled me with dread because it just took so long, so much of my time. It didn’t feel worth it. So it feels like if I, if they can’t deliver, why should I trust you?” [FG1]
Consistency was also raised in every focus group as an important driver of trust, as it guides expectations and when absent erodes trust:
“I think consistency’s really important because you’ve got to know what you’re going to get from someone. So if they’re always the same, you know how you’re going to get treated and how you’re going to be responded to, so consistency’s a big one.: [FG16]
“[Financial Support Service], for example, you can walk in there one day and go back eight times later and finally get it right, and yet next week you go on one day and they can get it right. [Health Support Service] the same.” [FG25]
“… the services are all there, if they worked properly, the people were well trained, which they aren’t because you can ring up once and ask a question, get an answer, you can ring up another day to verify it and you get a completely different answer. … Or you ring up three days in a row and get three different stories.” [FG33]
Trust in government service delivery is also heavily reliant on transparency and effective and genuine communication which places the citizen at the forefront:
“Transparency, so again, it’s being able to know where things are at. I originally had accountability. I changed it because accountability is one thing, saying yep we stuffed up, we didn’t get you what you wanted. Doesn’t necessarily put the onus on them to find me a resolution so telling me, you screwed up, still fix my problem. Transparency means at least I can see where it’s at and then I’m almost giving myself the power to do something about it.” [FG2]
“Communication, like adequate communication, and keeping me in the loop. Compassionate and understanding. So like thinking that they’re actually kind and caring and they’re doing it just for me, and they don’t have another call waiting after me, or they haven’t just dealt with a rude person just before me, like they genuinely care.” [FG19]
Through this communication people can gain a better understanding of government services, which in itself builds trust:
“[My low trust is] probably more I don’t understand what they’re doing. And when I don’t understand something, I don’t trust them. They’ll say, “You owe this because of these reasons”, and I don’t understand what they’re talking about.” [FG21]
Service outcome is an important determinant of trust, but it is not all that citizens base their trust on. How they are treated is also important:
“Experience … I‘d like to be able to hang up the phone and say “Gee that was pleasant – they gave me everything I wanted to know and I can go ahead and do this now”, that’s the only way I’m going to increase trust in them is if they give me what I’m after and I get an end result and walk away from the phone and say that was great.” [FG1]
“Just the personal satisfaction that you get with dealing with a particular department, which relates I think to customer service, how you’re treated and the outcome of the service that they’re providing to you. … [want] to be spoken to politely, to answer your questions clearly, and for them to give you information that you haven’t got in a clear and concise manner.” [FG19]
“And another thing is common courtesy. Whether or not it is a service you’re just going to see, whoever’s working for them, representing them, if it’s as simple as going into an office, opening a door, just little things like that make it more comfortable and easier for you to trust.” FG6
Follow-through was identified by the majority of participants as being an important indicator of trust, with follow-through relating to individual service delivery outcomes as well as broader social policies and programs which are often at the whims of government agendas:
“I think that there’s lots of issues that they try and tackle and it’s the bit here and a bit here that they try and work on. I don’t trust them to tackle one issue head on and put everything behind it. I think it’s gradual stuff that they change and get better, hopefully. Sometimes they get worse but so do I trust them to do everything? No, not really.” [FG36]
“Exactly right, where’s the story to say, “Oh look, they’ve actually done this for our family” you know or – there’s no evidence. It’s just like a ghost policy. You hear about it, but no one really knows the ins and outs of it.” [FG9]
“I mean, how can you trust a Government that clearly doesn’t have the people’s interests. I mean, they make promises, but you never see anything actually happen. So how on earth are we supposed to trust you when time and time and time and time again, “Oh, we’re going to do this, we’re going to do that” but it just doesn’t happen.” [FG9]
These four components of trust provide an overview of what are the important attributes of trust in public service delivery – with each component representing a micro-social contract that needs to be satisfied for trust to be granted. Each and every trust component is as important as the other due to the interactions between the components and the duplication of attributes across them. As such, the design and delivery of public services needs to be mindful of all four components at all times.
Barriers and enablers to trust in Australian public services
Key Findings
- Public perceptions of trust in government services are indivisible from public perceptions of political trust. Citizens identify politicians as the makers of policy and hence the drivers of service delivery choices. If public services are not addressing citizens’ needs, or are poorly implemented due to eligibility criteria, poor resources etc – it is due to politicians.
- Every single experience matters for every single service. Trust in service delivery is typically perceived as a ‘whole of government’ perception. If one Department provides poor service delivery, this affects the trust perceptions in other public services. However, when asked, citizens can distinguish between public services.
- A mix of delivery approaches is critical. Innovations in public service delivery and associated efficiencies are appreciated (e.g. MyGov), but citizens want a choice in service delivery approaches to enable effective delivery across a range of citizen needs, capacities and access constraints.
- Supply-side drivers are the predominant influencers of trust in public services. Supply-side drivers include service culture, service complexity and communications about and within service provision. Citizens’ experiences are directly linked to these drivers at every stage of every service delivery received. Demand-side drivers create trust perceptions. Demand-side drivers include citizens’ own experiences of service delivery, and those of their networks (and media), and the locally perceived social, economic and political factors. These experiences and the perceived local environment work together to create a trust perception which informs if and how they approach and trust public service delivery.
- Trust systems drive trust. Compliance with the identified characteristics of trust drives trust perception. Where public services (or their administration) are not in compliance with those trust characteristics, citizens become more distrustful of those and other related government services (i.e. Robo-debt not compliant with some citizens values and perception of government loyalty to it citizens; data breaches increases distrust of online and liked platforms).
Trust in government services is indivisible from political trust
This research supports the existing literature and found that citizens’ trust in public services is linked to their perception of trust in government. Indeed, trust in Australian public services is indivisible from trust in politics. When asked whether they equate government services with the government of the day, one participant was quick to answer “Oh, 100%, Because that is what they are there for”. Participants identified that it is the government who directs the policies and hence the services available, their resourcing and ultimately their implementation:
“Absolutely, it starts at the top. Like if the guy who's supposedly leading our country has filled us with lies and bullshit and deceit, you can't really trust from there down the hill, can you?” [FG18]
“So when you ask about trust in public services, it’s hard not to say that it’s the politicians because they’re the decision makers at the end feeding it down. Eventually it does feed down, but as for the public servants delivering the services, I think that they can deliver it under the guideline and policies that they are delivering it, but they don’t get to make the calls.” [FG35]
“… I think our distrust of politicians … I think it feeds into our distrust of some services as well. Because that’s the end point of some of what they deliver. Like [Financial Support Service] is a government service and part of the issue with that poor running of the service is how much funding they receive.”[FG26]
Although one participant noted that in regional areas service implementation may be adjusted to do the right thing by the local community, despite the government of the day:
“They’re still going to try and do the right thing by you. Do you know what I mean? Because we’re in a regional area and there’s a sense of community. It’s not the city. It doesn’t depend so much on the Government of the day.” [FG8]
Linked to issues of integrity, some participants identified the lack of action, or follow through, of politicians as being critical in their trust of government and government services:
“If I’m looking at my trust rating, I can't trust a single word that comes out of their mouth because very rarely do we actually see them implement what they say they were going to do, simple. … Because it starts [with politicians]. It’s drip fed down and that concerns me that if they’re not even doing what they say, what’s actually going to happen to all of these services?” [FG12]
“I kind of trust them. … But I don’t totally trust them. … I just wish they’d get off their backside, and make policies, and do it. Instead of hoo-haaing.” [FG23]
This distrust of politicians is a significant barrier for developing and maintaining trust, with politicians seen as a significant inhibitor of good service delivery, with one participant wishing they would leave policy and service delivery to the experts, the public servants:
“The vast majority of the senior public servants in Canberra and elsewhere in the country that are subservient to Canberra, are attempting to do the right thing. Politicians now call the shots and to the extent that people in senior administrative positions are political appointments, and they never used to be until about 15 years ago. I would say, let the managers manage.” [FG29]
Every single experience matters for every single service
Given the importance of experience in determining trust, every single service delivery experience matters. Trust in government services is not limited to a single service, with a poor experience with one service potentially affecting a citizen’s trust in other government services due to the need for multi-department services, which can be difficult to overcome:
“I just said previous experience. Once your experience of the government service is bad, it’s going to probably take you seven times going back and receiving good service to actually change your opinion of that service originally.“ [FG6]
“Because some departments when you go to, you need more than one of them to fulfil that need and it's just hard to trust people when you get knocked from say two of them and there's five there and you think what's the use of going to the other three?” [FG14]
“I feel like it’s hard to give a good overall rating if you’ve had such incredibly horrible service from even just one government service it can really taint your view on all of them because you really just sort of think of it as one. …. So when you have had such horrible dealings, it can just taint your overall trust of the whole lot.” FG1
“Despite having poor experiences with [services], I’ve also had some good experiences with the exact same agencies so it seems to me that out of every 50 people you deal with, 25 of them are right at the mark, the other 25 couldn’t give a rat’s ass and that’s my experience so that’s why its 50/50.” [FG2]
A mix of delivery approaches is critical
Delivery approaches are important for citizens’ trust in and uptake of public services. A number of delivery approaches were discussed including online, face to face, phone and ‘seamless’ or invisible service delivery.
Higher trust ratings were given to seamless services: “I just gave high ratings to the ones where I don’t have to deal with anyone” [FG6], or those that were easily accessible and reliable. Those services which did not deliver in a timely manner, or at all, were given lower trust ratings, particularly when they did not follow through on promises:
“Just seamlessness, and invisibility. Like, the [Health Service Agency] you don’t go knocking on [Health Service Agency] door to get help. Whereas going to [Financial Service Agency] is an absolute nightmare. It takes you days, and weeks, and months, back and forth.” [FG7]
“We are going to give you this. We are going to help you with this, and we are going to help you with that, but you’ve got to fill out 40 forms that we are going to then send back and say you can’t have it anyway because you misspelt one word. Or you can fill out the 40 forms again.” [FG12]
Online
Online service provision was identified as an enabler of access to services, providing efficient service delivery with access as good regionally as in metro areas:
“The amount of services I have to interact with if I couldn’t do it online, I don’t know how I’d manage. I don’t have time. I’m either at work or I’ve got three kids; not going to be going to [Financial Support Service] and all these places all the time.” [FG35]
“But I don’t think I’m missing out because I’m living in a rural area. It’s quite good. … I do as much as I can digitally, here in [regional community], that I don’t think it’d be any different if I was in Sydney. I would still do it online if I could.” [FG7]
“Yeah, I like it, you can do it whenever you want, I’m a bit of a control freak so I do it myself and make sure it’s done properly as far as I can do it. You’re not relying on somebody else to fulfil their job correctly, you’re not relying on how good a day they’re having, or whether they’d be bothered, you haven’t got to wait for ages, you can get that information as it’s stated, not as somebody interprets it and then passes it on.” [FG29]
However, online service delivery relies on having reliable access to high quality internet, which is often not available in rural and regional communities making accessing services even harder. Without good internet access online services can be frustrating:
“It’s so incredibly frustrating, having to do anything online at the moment. I don’t know what everybody else’s experiences are but where I am, it’s a continual source of frustration and emotional energy drain.” [FG 8]
Such frustration was also aimed by many participants at the poor information available online which they feel is not designed for the users:
“… if you’re trying to do something online, even if you’ve got a super reliable connection, you can spend hours wandering around in a fog because there’s no transparency about – they’re not trying to make it easy for people.: [FG8]
“You need to have acquired the technology to do it, but you get on their websites, and I don’t know who designs their systems. But you’ve got to be psychic to be able to follow what they want. In order to get what you need, you’ve got to run through this maze, it’s complete bullshit.” [FG29]
While many participants identified they were comfortable with using online services, there was a considerable level of concern raised about the depersonalisation of services, and their suitability of online services for many parts of the Australian community, including those whom services are targeted for:
“There’s huge benefits to the digital age and having information all stored somewhere. There’s huge benefits to that. But it depersonalises everything. “Oh, I’ll just go look online for that. Don’t talk to me.” [FG16]
“I’m cautious about it. I like digital but it’s very hard for some members of the population. There’s a whole suite of people who really need services who can’t access them. There’s homeless people, there’s elder people, there’s a whole suite of those that I feel it completely neglects.” [FG15]
“I’ve used it but I think there’s probably benefits around it for some people and I think it’s probably more people struggle with it and don’t like it, especially the Aboriginal community, they don’t have internet, for that kind of thing. I think it’s taken away a lot of the face-to-face things too. People need to sit down and talk to families and people. It’s going away from that. It’s doing a lot of damage. It’s all about delivery again, it’s not friendly. No people skills. And these people are usually the ones who are struggling, they need services, support, even someone to listen to them talk. It’s a big thing to people.” [FG21]
Some participants were concerned about the potential impacts on those who cannot utilise digital services, including increasing exclusion from society and simply getting ‘left behind’:
“And you’re already putting elderly people and keeping them in a home, it all goes online and digital, they stop having that outside interaction. It’s another chip away of community. That’s where the isolation comes in, if they were doing it at home.” [FG15]
“One thing I do find and there's a lot of people don't have computers because they're elderly or they just don’t - can't afford it or any of that, so it makes -it's a have and have not sort of thing about this information online. Not everyone is online or capable of doing it or have the facilities to do it and they're pushing everyone. … But they are getting left behind by government because everything's online.” [FG18]
Online delivery platforms, such as myGov, were a popular innovation for many participants, providing an efficient and informative service, although others found it difficult and needed more support:
“I do like the myGov app, having everything available in one place. It’s so easy to navigate through there. Have all the information that you’ve provided there. Having all the letters that I would have lost if they were paper form. They’re all right there. So I think it’s an excellent system, personally.” [FG12]
“It's a pain in the neck. Well to start off you have to make sure your computer's doing the right thing or your phone's doing the right thing, and then you've got to sit down and dissect the words they're trying to explain to you what they want you to do. I just want someone to casually explain it to me in a language and a way that I understand. And I've got to get onto myGov and I tried one day and gave up and haven’t gone back to it, but the answer is that I need to get onto it and I just don't have the mental energy to deal with it, but I desperately need to do it and I'm thinking what am I going to do? Because nobody at [Financial Support Service] going to help me do anything.” [FG14]
Innovation in service delivery over recent years was seen positively by some participants, with many participants observing the efficiency of the service, no matter the time of day, although a small proportion of citizens were less favourable about current online systems:
“I can see changes within these organisations, the ease of using, being online for instance. To me, that’s a positive. I do not want to be on the phone with somebody. I want to upload my bill, I want to see the money go into my account, I want to be able to look at my records.” [FG15]
“I like it, yeah. They never close, if you want to go and use a [Financial Support Service] app it’s always there when the office closes so I can look up anything I want anytime of the day, just because it’s always there, whereas office is closed.” [FG15]
“Because every single service was honestly made by a completely different mob, because none of them have got any kind of cohesiveness in how they look, how they function. … And if it’s annoying for me, anyone in the older generation is going to find it a nightmare, because as soon as you’ve learnt one, you try to use another service, you’ve got to relearn the language. And then you have to do that two or three times, depending on how many services you want to use.” [FG31]
Direct contact approaches
Face to face and phone delivery approaches remain critical to effective service delivery as they enable citizens support for more complex concerns that cannot be addressed via online approaches, and engender more trust:
“I would trust a person face to face more generally because you can just get clarification on the spot. Sometimes they don’t have the answers that you need but I’m always going to feel a lot more confident having walked away from face to face interaction where I can ask them all the questions I had in the moment as opposed to online where I’m not always sure I’ve done the right thing and there is no way to get any sort of clarification so for me personally yeah face to face, absolutely.” [FG1]
“Dealing with them in person is so much better than over the phone or via email because you get that face value. Then that comes back to the trust. I’m going to trust someone a lot more face-to-face.” [FG5]
However, these services are not without limitations, with the wait times, inconsistent messaging, and lack of personable service delivery detracting from the service experience, and hence trust in service delivery:
“…if [phone service] was delivered in a timely manner I would be more than happy. I would trust it just as much as I’d trust someone [face to face].” [FG9]
“I guess you could say– personable. You could make the service more personable for me, that’s what would gain my trust a bit more…. to not feel like you’re just, oh yes, resident number 3,482” FG9]
“It just seems like, “Oh no, I’ve got to make a phone call. Oh, I think I’d rather go to jail, than make this phone call.” … It’s about the same length as a jail sentence.”[FG9]
“It’s just like a packed lunch and a water bag and you bring your camel just in case because it could be the rest of your life, it’s just – it’s awful.” [FG9]
In those communities facing significant community and economic development challenges (eg. drought, closure of industries), citizens are needing more timely access to services, and typically via face to face approaches to enable efficiencies and provide a more empathetic service:
“They’re giving very limited resources out, access to services – I guess we’ve got a lot of people coming in to where we work to access drought funding, and to have to tell them that we don’t look after that because we’re a state government agency, here’s the federal government agency’s contact details, “I don’t want that. I want somebody to talk to right here, right now in this office.” [FG6]
“Why can’t we have the government services bus that comes here once every two months and sits in [regional town] for a week and then you can have everybody go and do their accesses and what they can’t do online or whatever accesses, they’re still seeing somebody face to face.” [FG6]
For some participants, trust was driven by personal interactions, highlighting the need for face to face service delivery options, particularly for complex cases, vulnerable people and those uncertain with online platforms:
“Maybe I’m old fashioned but I don’t think there’s any substitute for sitting in front of a guy … Holding your book talking to him asking him questions. “Why can I do this, why can’t I do that? What can I pay, what can’t I pay?” I just don’t think there’s any substitute for that.” [FG34]
“Like you said, the trust, you have more trust sometimes when you’re face-to-face, having the word and looking at someone and having the conversation, you feel like you’re being heard more or understood more versus just inputting something into a website.” [FG15]
For one person, poor service quality has resulted in face-to-face becoming the last resort, only an option after other delivery methods had failed:
“I think from my experience, going into the office, like [Financial support service] office, is now like a last resort if you can’t get any actual answers over the phone. People can’t just hang up on you when they’re standing in front of you, so I feel like the [Financial Support Service] service is a last resort. Yeah. The experience is so poor that people would rather sit on the phone for an hour trying to deal with something, and then if that doesn’t succeed, then they go into the office but that’s how bad it can get. It’s a last resort.” [FG20]
However, access to face to face services is becoming more difficult, especially with the ongoing push to use online service delivery platforms:
“I’m quite happy to walk into somewhere and go face-to-face with somebody, but at the end of the day, those somebodies don’t exist anymore.” [FG17]
“I prefer being able to speak to somebody in person. I’m sick of getting told, “You know you can do this online.” If I wanted to do it online I would have done it, I wouldn’t have came in here.” [FG22]
Mobile services are an important form of face-to-face delivery in remote communities, but they are not capable of providing the full array of services needed in remote communities, and suffer from technical difficulties like the residents:
“I think I would strongly agree that we in [regional centre] think that there are problems in terms of accessing services, but it’s much worse if you’re outside of [regional centre] for example, much, much worse in terms of being able to access federal government services. … when I used to go round the communities and that, like [Financial Support Services] would come in twice a week, sometimes. Someone would drive in, set up their little office, and that would be it. Then they’d leave, and they’d come back in a couple of days, because they go round everywhere else. And it is quite hard, especially if the computer system goes down, they can’t do anything. And even health services, a lot of communities have good clinics, but they don’t have the mental health support as well, they need. And that’s all federal stuff.” [FG19]
Similarly, phone services offer some level of interaction, and online chat functions can help with service outcomes:
“The phone is similar to walking in and actually talking to the person and they can explain things to you and you can sort of get a two-way conversation going. Whereas you’re online, you only have to look at the screen.” [FG30]
“There’s also the fact that a lot of websites now have the option of a live chat which I’ve used quite often. … Mind you I don’t type very fast, but I can make them wait for me which they have to and I’ve resolved quite a few things doing that. It is another way of actually having some sort of human interaction and not just having to follow a form.” [FG30]
A range of delivery approaches is needed
Overwhelmingly, participants observed the need to provide public services using a variety of delivery approaches, and to stop forcing people to use digital options only:
“I think one of the problems is they give you this option called online and they don’t give you any other options, you’ve got to do it online. When people go to [Financial Support Service] to apply for [financial support] and they say, “No, you’ve got to do it online.” Now, those people they haven’t got a computer, they’re too old, don’t know how to use a computer and they’ve got to do it online.” [FG34]
“One is that computers try to fit you all into square little boxes. Quite often that doesn’t really work when you’re trying to get information. You need a much broader range of discussion than just filling in a box or ticking a box. ... that’s why I think computerised systems are fine to give you a bit of an intro into where you might be going, but sometimes you then need to actually talk to a person who knows about it to give you that fine flourish, to actually get you to the point you need to be.” [FG19]
“Well, I really like that I can use [online] at any time, that’s convenient to me. I like to be able to be informed about everything that I can, so having all the information available is good. But I would like to see a more human element as well, if you are struggling, there needs to be an option for you to be able to contact someone who will help you, because a lot of times if it’s available online, there’s no human component to it, so there doesn’t seem to be a lot of in between.” [FG28]
“No I was just going to say, if you could have like the array of services, like when you really need to speak to someone over the phone with more complex matters you really do need that agent to be able to speak to. But when you’ve got those really quick questions that could be resolved literally in 30 seconds if you could just ask someone, eg. through a live chat service, it’s great. So this is what I’m saying like you can reduce the call times for people that really need to speak to someone by offering an array of different service channels to get through.” [FG32]
Supply-side and demand side drivers of trust
As identified in Section 2 there are supply-side and demand-side drivers of trust which help understanding of the impact of the various trust attributes. Citizens’ experiences are directly linked to these drivers at every stage of every service delivery received. Demand-side drivers create trust perceptions and include citizens’ own experiences of service delivery, experiences of their networks (and media), and the local social, economic and political factors. Supply-side drivers include service culture, service complexity and communications about and within service provision.
Demand-side factors
Personal experience, and the experience of others, whether it be friends, family, or strangers, have a significant influence on trust ratings. While some participants were only willing to base trust on their personal experiences, others were also informed by the experience of others although not always proud of this:
“Well they were really, at the times that I needed them, they were really hot on what I wanted and they backed off when I wanted them to, and it was fantastic. I can’t fault them. That’s just my experience.” [FG12]
“Well for me, my own experience has been fairly positive, but the reason I didn’t give it higher is because you hear all these horror stories in the media.” [FG7]
“If you’ve had a problem previously with them, you’re less inclined to accept what they tell you next time and trust that it’s correct. … You go in with your back up a little bit and you’re very cautious.” [FG25]
“I’ve had no dealings with [Financial Support Service], but it’s still ranked my lowest just because of these terrible stories I hear. I’m pretty disappointed in myself that I’m being so easily influenced by other people’s stories while I’ve got no dealings with them.” [FG8]
One potential influencer is the media with many participants noting that their trust in government services has declined over recent years due to experiences shared by their networks and the media: “I don't know, probably declined hearing from other people's opinions and reading what you see online and on the news and other people's stories.” [FG14]. Although participants were not always influenced by media with one noting “Am I the only one that totally doesn’t trust any of the info we get? I don’t at all. I feel like the media is a manipulator.” [FG8].
Study participants were asked to re-evaluate their overall trust rating in Australian government service delivery at the end of the focus group. While many kept their rating the same, others increased or decreased their rating based on their reflections of what they had learnt from the group discussions:
“Just some of them were from people’s experiences, from the good experiences obviously and things that I don’t – services that I have never had to deal with.” [FG8]
“Because I’ve just lost all respect for most of the Departments from what I’ve heard from everybody.” [FG8]
For one participant, the rating was increased due to their perception of fairness in service delivery, after she found that metropolitan citizens have similar service delivery experiences:
“Just from hearing some of the stories and the fact that people in the big cities, in the cities, the other side of the mountains there, hearing that they have similar difficulties to us. But the big thing here is the tyranny of distance of course. But we’re still pretty much able to get exactly what they’ve got. And if they’re having trouble, if they have trouble in the cities, then it’s really a fault of government. It’s a fault of delivery or a problem with delivery.” [FG6]
While for another, the overall rating decreased due to the lack of congruence with their values and the perceived lack of loyalty of the government to the citizenry:
“Yeah, it comes down to I hate knowing that there's people that genuinely need help that can't get it.” [FG14]
Perceptions of service experience and with that trust in service delivery is also heavily influenced by service delivery outcomes, with some participants identifying that bad experiences may be overlooked as the serviced was ultimately delivered, and in some cases delivered above expectations (see Box 2):
“Because I trust that they will deliver it and I’ve had bad experience with the government but at the end of the day, they still deliver even if you have to scream and yell. So I can’t say, go down and say “No, because I’ve had a bad experience” because I still, I had to jump through hoops, but I still got what they delivered at the end of the day.” [FG26]
Others expressed their long-standing dismay at government performance, and the impact of highly publicised service delivery scandals, highlighting the difficulty in increasing trust in Australian public services:
“Only up to about two because I still think they need a really good kick in the butt to start looking after their own people. They’ll need to really take a step up and really step up to the plate because I think they really really really over the last probably 10 years have let us down.” [FG9]
“[I gave a zero out of 10], = I've got one word and that is Robo-debt. So that's to [Financial Services Agency]. [No I did not receive a Robo-debt], but the stories I hear, the stories I read on the net, it just absolutely sickens me, it really does …” [FG14]
Box 2. Trust is based on personal experience of support
My partner had a business years ago, before I met him. The business went bankrupt on dodgy advice from his accountant. He dodged up some of the books. The business went downhill, also on advice from the accountant. He didn’t declare bankruptcy. He just closed the business. Historically, 12 years later, we’re still going through those books with the [Financial Support Service]. They haven’t audited him. They’re working with – I’d like them to audit him. I’d like to just hand it all over to them, but they’re there, they’re supportive, they’re helpful. They’ve been so informative. Every time I’ve rang them, the phone has been answered quickly. It’s a real person to talk to. They see what they can do to help you. They will actually go looking for things and solutions for you and they’ll explain it in layman’s terms. And so, I find there’s a lot of trust there…” [FG8]
Trust in service delivery is highly influenced by personal experiences, with participants expressing a frustration at the lack of professional and timely service provision which can have significant personal ramifications including the suspension of payments or in some circumstances the choice to not use those services at all:
“…there’s a different person [Finance Services Agency Office] there every four weeks because they all quit, it must be a terrible job – and he said, “I’ll ring you.” I said, “Okay.” So he didn’t ring me, the next thing, I get a text message, ‘Your payment has been suspended.’ Oh, you can’t ring them because the [regional town] office does [regional towns] and everywhere else, there’s no one ever in the office, so you’ve got to just keep ringing each day until someone actually answers the phone, “Oh, sorry, that’s our fault. We’ll fix that for you.” And then, two days later you’re suspended again. It's almost insane…” [FG6]
“I had the same experience when I was working in [location 2 hour drive away]. … [I] got a message one day saying that I had an appointment. I rang them up and told them [I was working], and they said this is whatever appointment, this is one you have to attend. And I’m like, what, so I’m supposed to jump in the car, miss tomorrow’s work, come back to [regional town] so I can report and say yes, everything’s good, yes, work’s good, yep, sweet, I just missed a day for you. … I ended up getting my payments cut off and I just stayed off [Finance Service] up until I finished doing that job up there. It was just easier for me not to mess around. Just work and do my thing.” [FG6]
Supply-side factors
A number of supply-side factors were raised as barriers to trust in service delivery, particularly issues associated with delays in receiving services, administrative processes and errors, service consistency, complexity and access and challenges of cross-departmental services.
Many participants commented on the lengthy delays of processing claims from a number of services, each with significant detrimental impacts on individuals and their families, with such experiences eroding trust in public service delivery as explained by one participant who had to wait over six months to receive financial support:
“I mean it’s a huge emotional rollercoaster to, one, wanting to kill my husband, to – feeling like I wanted to, not going to obviously – and the stress it’s put on our family, my kids, my daughter – I’m getting a bit emotional – my daughter has had to lend us money from working to get us through. And she’s 16, she shouldn’t have that responsibility. I mean they understand what we’re going through and obviously you’re going through that sort of stuff too, but you’re told you can access these things to make things easier and it doesn’t make it easier.” [FG10]
For others, the impact of continual delays in processing is overwhelming, as shared by one participant who was struggling with three children with special needs (see also Box 3):
“Exactly one year ago, I was in [regional centre] because I had [a lot of issues to deal with]. Due to the fact that 3 kids with special needs, has taken quite a toll on me. My husband being a transport operator is often gone for 3 months at a time, and getting knocked back from service after service because they just don’t want to help you, and you have kids [not getting on with each other] and attacking me and everything else and pretty much I’m not getting any help for me. I just couldn’t deal with it anymore [and I had to get help]. ….” [FG4]
Other participants expressed the frustrations of ongoing administrative processes and errors which had a substantial personal impact:
“Now I got cut off probably at least eight times during the year for not reporting who I’d gone to jobs for, when the lady there, who’s just lovely, told me not to bother coming in for the appointments because I was sending her all my payslips and she knew I was working, but if she didn’t put into the computer that I’d gone for jobs, it’d cut me off. And I kept getting these letters saying that I’m getting cut off something that I wasn’t getting paid anyway. It was distressing. I’m so glad it’s over. … [it made me feel] so embarrassed, upset, frustrated, just terrible. On the verge of tears sometimes because some of the people that you talk to on the telephone after you’ve been on there for 45, 50 minutes, talk to you as if it’s coming out of their pocket. It’s very embarrassing that you have to disclose so much personal information to just get frustrated and get nothing anyway.” [FG21]
“But the number of mistakes that were made, yeah, at various times and missed -yeah just wrong payments, wrong assessments, like yeah, even my interpersonal dealings with some of the staff at [Financial Support Service] was difficult. And I think to myself, well I’ve got a tertiary degree and I consider my interpersonal skills quite good, imagine how hard this is for some others in our community.” [FG26]
“… third time used to be the charm for putting in the forms because they use to lose them at least twice before they’d record them. You would have to provide them at least three times and when you lived away from the office that was difficult to get there and do those sorts of things.” [FG30]
Box 3. Two years to receive outcome of application
My husband chose to apply for Disability Pension and we were waiting for how long it’s going to take them to make a decision, and it took them probably close to two years and we’re just like, “What is he supposed to do in the two years it’s taken you to make the decisions?” You’ve sent me the paperwork and said, I’ve got two weeks to get all his doctor’s reports, all this, everything you wanted, and two weeks to get it all, if I can, because a lot of it’s specialists reports that you’ve got to get from the specialist, and if you do manage to get it all in that two weeks and they take it, you go, “Good, now they’re going to make a decision maybe in two to four weeks.” No, two years, and you have to be on them and on them and ringing them going, “What’s happening, what’s happening?” And then looking at and go every different person’s looking at it and going, “Oh yeah, we can see that you’ve made it on such and such date,” and I’m like, yeah and asked about it and he needs money, he can’t live on Newstart while he’s waiting for you to decide whether you’re going to give him a Disability Pension or not. He’s not well enough to work so we’re in limbo here.
Why do I have to get everything together within two weeks and be forced to this deadline when these people aren’t? They’ve got your life in their hands of whether or not you’re going to be having money, being able to afford the essential services, and you’re waiting all this time and the stress of getting it all together only for them to say, “Oh yeah, you don’t get it,” and you’re forced back into part-time work, even though he’s not well enough to work. [FG34]
Many focus group participants commented on the negative impacts associated with the complexity of service delivery. Impacts included loss of income and/or savings and for some negative wellbeing. For some, these impacts were exacerbated by the vulnerability they were facing due to unexpected life events (i.e. poor health, death in the family), highlighting the importance of efficient and effective service delivery (see Box 4).
A number of participants expressed how the complexity of service delivery eroded their trust in government, and that the government needed to provide services more easily to improve trust:
“This is where a lot of my distrust comes from for the Government, is because I actually think they make it incredibly hard so that less people do it.” [FG8]
“Maybe just provide what they say they’re going to provide. Instead of making it hard for people to get what they want, things that they need, not necessarily want, but the things that they need to survive should be just okay, read this, fill this out, do this, there’s your payment. It’s done and dusted. And these are the rules that go with it. This is what you have to do to keep this payment. Whether it goes on the age of your kids or whatever it is. I don’t think we do enough of that.” [FG12]
Box 4. Impacts of complexity of service delivery
I find a lot of these agencies, the amount of paperwork that you have to do to get what you need is really, really difficult. Just for an example, we lost two years and most of our savings trying to get my husband onto a disability pension because of the amount of paperwork involved and because there was not a social worker available to give us a hand. Now I’ve got a higher education, I found it difficult, so then you get the low socio-economic people that haven’t got that level of education, and there’s a lot of people missing out because they can’t fill those forms in. And there’s no-one to help them, so then they become worse off, which then contributes to childhood crime because they can’t get what they need to get to make their life even halfway acceptable for themselves.
[Complexity was increased] because we owned our own business and then we had to put all that in and then we got all this paperwork in which all took time, “Oh, but we need this,” and they would then throw another whole raft of forms at us. So consequently what we’ve worked our entire life for, we lost. So we had to use what we had and, to top it off, my husband had cancer as well so he was back and forth to Perth. So we had a really rough time, but we managed; okay? We’re still managing, but there are people, if they can’t fill those forms in, it’s too hard and it’s put off to the side and that concerns me that they don’t have people that can assist and get stuff fast-tracked for them.
I spent most of my time in [Financial services office] in tears, but it didn’t matter; you still had to fill forms out. Go home and fill them out. And you get a pat on the back and, “Are you all right, darling?” but extremely, extremely stressful time. [FG18]
The complexity of information is compounded by the lack of linkage between government departments, duplicating compliance requirements and making access to eligible services harder, with participants often talking about the need for linked services to trigger alerts and with that help to reduce administration, noncompliance issues and/or prompt advice on other relevant services available:
“…each department doesn’t follow through with the next department. You deal with one person, that is the focus. They won’t read the notes, they won’t do this. You’ve got to supply huge amounts of stuff over and over and over again. … Yes, I’m very lucky and we were very lucky that we have the facilities and the access that we do. But they make it so damn hard to access some of them, so damn hard.” [FG10]
“It would be nice if all the services were linked and some things would trigger other, at least alerts in other systems…” [FG12]
“Yeah it seems as though the right hand doesn’t know what the left hand is doing with all the different departments. And you would think that somewhere along the way, somebody would have put some sort of centralised computer system in place or something.” [FG32]
For others, the inflexible duplication of information provisions is demanding and stressful, eroding trust in government service delivery:
“I had to start the process from scratch again. Doesn’t matter that they’ve got everything that they require on file; you have to start from scratch and provide everything all over again. So I only did that once and I’m not doing it again after that, so I just kept on pushing forward, but it was hard work. It was stressful, it was dreadful.” [FG17]
For those going through significant adversity, this duplication of information provision and demands for more and more information has significant personal impact and affects perceptions of trust for many years as outlined in Box 5.
Transparency and the associated governance of decision-making was raised by some participants as being important and problematic, with too little recording of decisions which results in negative impacts on the citizen if the decision is changed:
“And you say, oh I've done the thing on your advice, well they're never going to put anything down in writing so they can screw you over, even by saying, we told you the wrong thing, bad luck, you're in trouble.” [FG18]
“I do like to have some kind of record. I have a feeling sometimes when you talk to somebody you just talk but it just stays there it doesn’t go unless they take notes and they take records of it, there is no evidence for me. With online things I’m actually trying to evade where there’s no record because I like to have records so I can say, “This is what happened, or we discussed.”” [FG22]
The complexity of service delivery is not only about the forms and processes, but also the quality of information provided and the information expectations of citizens, with some participants anxious about having to access services due to the information requirements, with one describing it as like ‘going to war’:
“[Don’t understand information] Because it's in jibber jabber. It's not plain English, that's right. And to these days, a lot of people do not know how to read properly.” [FG14]”
“I get anxiety just even contemplating it and then thinking how much time am I going to have to set aside and when I finally get to the front of the queue and I can speak to someone on the phone, am I even going to understand what they’re telling me? Like I prefer to have my partner with me and for him to be able to interact as well because sometimes you’re even getting the jargon on the phone or they’re demanding information of you that I didn’t know I was supposed to have and you feel like you’ve wasted everyone’s time and yeah the anxiety of it can just sometimes be totally [overwhelming], I won’t even do it.” FG1
“I always feel like ([Financial Support Service]) I always go in armed with too much information … I always make sure I’ve got too much with me just to make sure they don’t send me back home. So it’s like getting ready for war. it’s sad – it shouldn’t be that way. Like we should all be like just giving up.” FG1
Box 5. Impact of demands for information
Yeah, it was back in 2002, it's a little bit more than five years. My partner back then became a paraplegic and nine months before he died, yeah and you know, we didn't expect him to last nine months, well he was a fighter. It was cancer and I went through all the systems, disability and all the rest of it and I tell you what, I had a hell of a time with everything to do with any government assistance, like [Financial Support Service], hospitals, everything. It's interesting because when you talk to people who go through the same sort of situation, not so much as a paraplegic and that but someone's died, you still hear the same horror stories where the whole system doesn't seem to work totally 100 per cent with you and you've got to fight all the way. I know when I had to get [Financial Support Service], because all of a sudden we go from two wages down to one and his superannuation took nine months, it eventually came through a day after he'd passed away, so nine months to get this superannuation through. Then we had to prove everything that he was going to die. The government agencies just, it's a roller coast ride, you've got to prove and then you've got to prove and then you've got to prove and then you've got to prove again.
I tell you what, it was a total, total joke in the end. This is Australia, we're meant to be the lucky country and our medical system and our government system is meant to be there to help you when times are tough and you can't - change, that sort of thing. But I lost a lot of faith in our system.
I was in Albany at the time and I tell you what, you don't want to be in a country town when the shit hits the fan because the system doesn't work with you. It's all about city people, no matter what, more so than country people. If you're in a country town, you literally get told, well you decided to live there, you suffer the consequences and you get that in so many things out there, I find, that if shit hits the fan.
Nothing's changed. We were just treated like lepers by the whole system, I had to prove myself time and time again [FG18]
The experienced difficulties in accessing services was frequently raised as an influence on trust perceptions:
“So they’re like, we have all of these options for you but your ability to access them is made quite difficult so that’s just really quite frustrating and makes it quite hard for those who struggle to jump through the hoops and run through the maze to just get to a service that’s there for them and in terms of delivery” [FG1]
Access issues include challenges with timely service provision at service shopfronts or on the phone, capacity of citizens to use services due to literacy challenges and/or poor information provision, adequate access to internet or transport infrastructure.
A common barrier to trust was perceived inadequate service provisions, with long wait times and poor-quality services resulting in low trust ratings:
“But then like I went into [Financial Support Service] in March this year, and you’re like there’s only about five people in there, and there’s 100 people waiting to see five people. Like I remember when I was 18 and that, you’d go into [Financial Support Service], there’d be people, and they’d talk to you, and you’d get through it. Now it’s like if you don’t do your online form, they don’t want to talk to you. … But yeah, information’s not there like it used to be, I believe.” [FG19]
“I don’t know if it’s all mixed together but it’s like when you’re on one line to someone and they don’t know what they’re talking about, then they put you onto another line of somebody else, and then they put you on to somebody else and “Oh we don’t know what’s going, we’ll put you back to this one”. It’s happened to me like six times in one day and in the end I cracked the shits. And I said “I’ve been on this phone for four hours and you can’t do this for me” and in the end they sort it.” [FG26]
“… time is money for every individual, not just the Government.” [FG8]
Although several participants shared their positive experiences with Australian government public service delivery as well:
“You know, I’m listening to all this, and you must be doing something wrong. … Because I go to [Financial Support Service], I’ll walk in there, I get help immediately. I’m on the phone – I’m on the phone maybe 10 minutes to [Financial Support Service] and I’m answered. I go to the doctor without an appointment, I’m in.” [FG33]
“Everybody’s saying how bad [Financial Support Service] is. I’ve never had that problem. Every time I’ve put in for a claim or gone in there or done it online even, I can do it the day that it’s due and it’s done.” [FG5]
Some participants noted that, although services were often hard to access, once you were in the system it was reliable and hence they had high trust in the service delivery, although others felt that the difficulty to access services was unduly affecting those who were already stressed and therefore had a low level of trust on government service delivery:
“I know there’s a lot of hoops you have to jump through, but generally once you get there, you get what you’re entitled to. So I’ve had that safety net thing where I was on my own and I was only working one day a week, so I did get that support. It did take a while to get through it, but I got the support in the end. And so yeah, I’ve had really good experiences. So far I just think in some ways, things could be done better.” [FG12]
“We’ve got a system that isn’t helping people that need to be helped by [Financial service agency] and people are screaming out and the government’s ignoring that. … The [Health Service] is another thing that has been created but like [participant] said, you’ve got to get through all the hoops first before it’s even going to be beneficial and that takes a lot of time and sometimes if people don’t have time, they’re lives are already stressful enough as it is.” [FG12]
The capacity of citizens to effectively access services was raised as a concern in remote communities. Poor awareness of service availability, low levels of literacy, coupled with complexity of service delivery, diminished the capacity of vulnerable citizens to access services, despite their need and eligibility:
“… my thinking was that for the services where people know how to use the services, they can be really good if you can get through the paperwork and all the bureaucracy, but the majority of my [remote and vulnerable] clientele would not have a clue as to what these services are, what they do, how to fill out a piece of paper … looking at [Community] as a whole, I would say that the majority of people in [Community] wouldn’t even know half these agencies, or what they do.” [FG17]
Perceived complexity of services is heightened by the poor local service quality, poor local provision of information and lengthy forms (see also Box 6):
“There are times where I use the digital because I know that the people delivering the services don’t have the knowledge of where I need to go to, but then I have a problem because I get onto the site and then I can’t find what I need, so then that becomes extremely difficult again. … And then you finally find what you need and it starts spitting out 20 sheets of paper.” {FG17]
Box 6. Poor forms result in poor service delivery
My parents are dairy farmers in [State], fairly computer literate, we were sort of caught up in the [Dairy] issue, we were long time suppliers and it put some pressure on us, they had a financial counsellor that was appointed to them, I think all suppliers got that. In the end I drove six hours home to sit at the kitchen table, we took up the entire kitchen table with forms, we had to draw a map and mum’s, she can work these things out, and she said, “I give up”. So I took a new born baby with me, that’s where we were at. So one of the big problems was, I suppose it’s farming in general, you are sort of asset rich, cash poor, and so much money was caught up in Murray Goulburn shares that we’re not going to be honoured because the company going to fold, we worked through all the paperwork we got to the last point that said, “Do you have shares?” Yes. You’re ineligible.
We were like but it’s shares in the company that has fallen over. And that was it. I could not believe it. It was incredible. It was incredible, … we’re trying to do everything but the government services are very similar, it is so incredibly difficult. You’re talking about people that don’t necessarily have, it could be satellite internet, it’s patchy, really rural. You’re potentially -well it’s a two-hour round trip for my parents to go to any government service and we’re in [State], [State is] fairly compact compared to the whole Eastern seaboard and, they are just like -well why worry? Not being down that path before, there’s a fair bit of pride involved, and they are just like “yeah, we’ll sort it ourselves”. Oh gosh, I think there was two people in the end, and I’m talking Murray Goulburn suppliers, not two people they knew, and you’re just like, why even float it? You’ve clearly not worked out start to finish yourselves, why expect people to do that for you? It was the most bizarre experience. [FG34]
Some participants felt that the level of complexity was a deliberate ploy to reduce service uptake:
“Generally I think, they don’t want to hand out any money, so they’re going to put a whole bunch of barriers to get in the way of doing that so you have to climb six different walls to get their little hand out.” [FG31]
Participants from a number of communities identified the lack of personnel in government offices as an impediment to service delivery due to the association delays in receiving a service:
“There can be four or five of them in there all sitting at their desks, but only one person is seeing people. And then she’ll pack up and go to lunch and you all sit there for an hour until she comes back. I’ve been in there for three hours plus.” [FG6]
Similarly, the lack of consistency in the quality of service provision associated with perceived poor training of frontline staff was identified as eroding trust, although at other times they received a high-quality service:
“Sometimes you can get lost, you are after something, and you get passed around like a football. … And you wait on the phone forever and ever. … Then you get onto someone who doesn’t really understand what you’re talking about. It’s frustrating. … [But] in fairness, other times I’ve rung up and I’ve got a beauty. Really helpful the whole way through. It’s just the consistency I guess.” [FG7]
“As I said, you deal with one person, but they don’t read the notes, or they don’t – each person you deal with says something different. It’s not a uniform of information. It’s like people are on the phone and they just tell you what they feel to tell you at that particular time, even if it’s incorrect. And that’s really confusing and that undermines the trust and all that in the government’s services and things.” [FG10]
“Because sometimes you do have a good experience. Sometimes you have a person that actually goes that extra mile and you feel like they’re connecting and know what you’re going through and you might sometimes go to the place, you feel like you could kiss them … you just finally get the one person that you can just kiss them because they’re actually human. They listen to you as a person not just as another number …” [FG4]
The treatment of clients from service delivery staff was also identified by some service users as being detrimental, where citizens felt as though they, and others, were looked down on by service delivery staff:
“…when I had a few issues with jobs not being secure, I actually deliberately did not go for [Financial Support Service] payments because I felt like I was being treated like a second-rate citizen if I wanted their assistance. Even though I was working casually, they made me sit in a room to work out how to conduct myself at a job interview, and I was made out to be an absolute idiot.” [FG8]
“It's like you're a piece of dirt. They make you feel that they don't like you going there, to get the service.” [FG14]
“Half the time they don’t really want to help you. They just want to get in and get out. … [This makes me feel] tired and drained and depressed and a lot of the time you do feel like giving up and you never get an answer or you get shoved around or yeah, just -it does, it depresses people and honestly I wonder a lot of younger people are actually going, stuff this. I can’t deal with this anymore. Because it is, it’s depressing.” [FG30]
One participant noted the importance of the service delivery for people’s lives, and hence the need for frontline staff to recognise they work in community services and do their best at all times:
“It’s still your personal decision and your deliberate reaction to a situation, you are in control of what you do, if you choose to be a dick and not nice to people well … Do your job then that’s what’s given. Not doing the best you could do, if you are in the community service you need to be prepared to serve the community. Whether they’re nice, whether they’re not, whether your boss is there for you, whether they’re not, you need to find mechanisms in everything to be able to do your job properly otherwise you’re letting other people down and it can mean someone doesn’t get paid, someone’s kids get taken off them, someone doesn’t end up going to hospital and dies. It’s serious.” [FG29]
Although other participants acknowledged that this treatment may be due to the pressures of the job and the ongoing reduction of resources:
“A lot of it’s the way you’re treated and spoken to, especially back at [Financial Support Service] again. But that’s – probably can’t blame them. If I worked there, I’d probably talk like that too. And that comes back to probably not so much the customer but the amount of clients they’ve got to deal with every day.” [FG6]
“I've dealt with them in the past which they eventually got what I wanted, but it just took so long. And I understand that their work load's doubled, their resources have been cut and the staffing has been cut, they haven't got enough staff for the amount of people that they deal with, so that's basically why.” [FG14]
“Yeah. I do trust them to deliver services. But on the same token I feel like cost cutting measures, and saving a dollar, sometimes results in poor service delivery.” [FG23]
While some of participants were concerned with the attitude of frontline staff which reduced their levels of trust, others acknowledged the work that such staff were doing given the parameters they have to work under and were more positive in their trust ratings:
“Attitude, I want them to change their attitude because when I walk in the office or call them, they think I owe them something. I want them to think that they owe me something. I pay their wages. It’s all been phrased, going around, stereo typical but it has become true, I mean, I pay your wages, you do the service for me.” [FG2]
“Regardless of what the government view over here of the government today, I do believe regardless of who they are they’ll try and do the right thing by you. They’re held in by the rules that are set on them. Yeah, within reason they do try, most of them do – because they’re like you and me, they try to go and do their job as well as they possibly can, but they’ve got people further up the tree that don’t want them to go and do it.” [FG27]
Some participants took this acknowledgement of the efforts of frontline delivery staff further, and identified that the problem with low quality service delivery lays with the managers and the Ministers:
“… it's not the individual people that work the phones that are the issue, it's probably more the management and the bureaucrats that set the rules as to what they can and cannot do. So my seven out of 10 is based on that if you looked at all the staff in the Public Service, I think that just about all of them are good but maybe you've got the few powerful bosses that kind of make it hard for everybody else. So the minus three from 10 is management and Ministers.” [FG14]
“They're doing as much as what they can with what they are given [the resources]. It's the ones higher up who makes it harder for them. They try and bend over backwards for you but then they can only go so far.” [FG14]
“I think for me it is we need to have trust in the policy and the providers above the coalface because once those rules are written, it doesn’t matter how well it happens down further, already the discrimination or the unfair nature of it is already written. So once that policy and the providers get put in place, there’s not much anyone else can do underneath.” [FG25]
A small number of participants outlined poor service culture experiences which had significant impact on their families (see Box 7). Much of this was due to a lack of empathy expressed by service delivery staff with comments such as “Well, she’s in hospital. She doesn’t need it anyway.” [FG20] following requests for support.
Box 7. Insensitive service delivery experience
Yep. I haven’t had too much to do with too many of them but my most recent experience is with [Financial Support Service] and my dad was diagnosed with terminal cancer at the end of November, and he went from working on the Friday to being told he had cancer on the Wednesday and being given a maximum of four months to live the day after. So he went from being employed to going to apply for a pension for him and I have never had to jump through so many hoops and you’re right, I don’t think there are too many people that – and I guess it would be a horrible place to work, based on same of the people you deal with, but it took eight weeks for my dad to get a pension. My dad was dead 13 weeks after he was diagnosed. So they were just giving us more and more excuses, and you had to do this, and had to do this, and in the end I said, “Are you actually waiting for him to die before you process this application, because that’s the impression I’m getting?” and yeah, it was. Within 24 hours I had his pension. But I’ve got Mum, who was dealing with the shock of it all, so I’m trying to act on their behalf. Then it was, “No, we can’t give you any information. We need your dad’s signature.” My dad went from being working to within 10 days he could barely sign his name, and it was, “Right, okay, I’ll get his signature,” and it’s back and forth, and in the end I said, “Enough. Get me somebody who can answer the questions and tell me what the issue is,” because you’d speak to one person who’d say, “Yep, you’ve got everything you need.” The next day you’d go – two days later you’d follow up saying, “Well, what’s happening?” and, “Oh, no, we require additional documents.” “Well, why wasn’t I told that to start with?” It was just robotic, it was horrendous. The worst experience. In the end I said, “Do not contact my mum. Deal with me only because you’re creating even more stress than the issues.” It was horrible. Absolutely horrific.
[The impact on my family] was horrific. I was trying to protect Mum and Dad in the end but it was doing my head in, just the stress of it all, and you shouldn’t have to say, “Are you waiting for him to die so you that you can just terminate the application?” I said that and she said, “Oh, it doesn’t matter though because if he’s entitled to the pension it’ll be backdated to when you lodged the application.” So that’s the type of mentality that you deal with, and that’s only [Financial Support Service]. Look, don’t get me wrong, we eventually got one lady who just went above and beyond everything but everyone else, and we went through about nine, was just-----
They wouldn’t talk to me on the phone because Dad was unable to give me consent, so I had to take him into [Financial Support Service] one day. He was barely able to walk and so I took him to the front counter and I said, “This is my dad. Can you identify him?” “Yeah, yeah. It’s fine.” “I’ll be back in 15 minutes. I’m going to take him home now,” and I came back then and dealt with it but I had to physically take him in. It was just – it was a horrendous experience.
He was in hospice before he passed and I was getting phone calls to verify his condition. Like, seriously? It was a horrible experience. [FG20]
How trust affects uptake of Australian public services
Key findings:
- A range of factors influence uptake. Some are based on prior experience (demand-side drivers), others relate to supply-side drivers:
- Poor communication – A lack of awareness of available services was the most cited reason for lack of service uptake. Other communication issues included poor information provision on websites (jargon, poor navigation) and insufficient advice from service providers about additional services available.
- Complexity of service delivery – Complexity of service delivery was both a significant barrier to trust and constraint on service uptake. Simplification of application and compliance requirements are essential for improved uptake of available services.
- Access constraints inhibited uptake, including access to internet, transport, quality of shopfront experiences, literacy and language and time constraints
- Improved resourcing and service culture is essential for uptake – Service delivery delays, perceived poor treatment from frontline staff inhibited service uptake.
- Quality advocacy increases uptake. Service complexity, coupled with the push for online service delivery, inhibits many vulnerable people from being able to access services. Advocacy from family, friends, NGOs or service providers helps to navigate service delivery processes in a respectful manner.
- Poor uptake may have significant implications for individual and family wellbeing. The impact of not using services can be significant for individuals and their families due to their pressing need for financial, health, employment or other services.
- Locational effects crystallise around the nature of the local economy (e.g. seasonal economy) and the size of the informal “cash” economy.
A number of factors which affected citizens uptake of available services were identified (see Table 4), with few substantial differences across the communities except for two concerns7, cost and relevance of policies and programs for community needs which was identified by a small number of communities, particularly highly marginalised communities (eg. low SEIFA).
One participant identified that the cost of services (e.g. medial services, allied health etc) was prohibitive for them, despite the need, due to the need to prioritise basic living costs. Although other participants also noted that the cost of compliance with service requirements resulted in them excluding themselves from the service, despite the financial ramifications:
“Well just because it’s through the government doesn’t necessarily mean that it’s not going to cost you anything to access that service. And for many given reasons, sometimes you just can’t afford to pay that cost to be able to access that service so you’ve got more important things that need to be paid for like electricity bill or the food, rather than getting the help that you need, you need to pay for them way more.” [FG34]
“That was when they cut the payments off because I was in [regional town two hours away] and wanted me to come back. … So I was getting paid, I was doing three days’ work at the time, so I was getting about $450, and I was still paying my house off in town plus paying a house up there, so I just chose to go through struggle street rather than have to fuel the car up, miss a day’s [work], because I didn’t have the money to get back from there.” [FG6]
Another participant noted not only the cost of access services, but also the capacity of the services to actually make a difference for their lives:
“Make the services a little bit more serviceable. I mean, they’re just – they’re there, but man, you’ve got to take out a bank loan to get there or – it’s just – everything is just halfhearted, backhanded. I don’t think there’s anything genuine about much they offer really.” [FG9]
These differences are not minor and can inhibit citizens access to services and with that further embed disadvantage. While many government services are free to citizens (within eligibility parameters), it is not only the cost of the service that needs to be considered, but also the cost of accessing that service which can be substantial in regional areas due to the longer distances between service delivery offices – petrol, public transport, time and hence opportunity costs.
Awareness
A lack of awareness of available services was raised by the majority of participants as reducing uptake of available services, with one participant describing services as an enigma machine, that it is “really cryptic to understand what the services are, where you can obtain them from and what you actually get out of it” [FG29]. This difficulty in accessing information is felt widely, with one participant claiming this lack of clarity is a deliberate management decision:
“I have been told there’s a policy that they actually are told not to tell you what you’re entitled to. You have to find out what you’re entitled to. They’re not allowed to actually tell you.” [FG30]
Others identified the need to know the right people who are aware of available services:
“A lot of the stuff, as I said, I wasn’t even aware of until I actually needed it. In that regard, as I said, very naïve in regards to what’s actually out there and what’s available until you actually need it. And then, if you don’t go to the right people, they don’t give you access to the right stuff.” [FG10]
“You do need a few dole bludgers in your life so you can find out all this information. That’s where I get it all from, it’s like people I know. It’s like oh, that exists, oh, interesting.” [FG10]
One participant with service delivery experience talked of the substantial impact of uncertainty around service delivery due to poor information provision and extenuating circumstances of some service users:
“So in my role as a [service provider] and also as a youth worker, I would have to sometimes physically take the person or client to the service and engage in the service with them because they were too anxious, nervous, to do it on their own, the fear of the unknown, depression is huge.” [FG29]
Experience
As described previously, poor previous service experience can reduce trust, with citizens hesitant to use services following a bad experience, although this can be mitigated by recent positive experiences across their social network:
“There’s a lot of water under the bridge that everyone’s had experience with, it’s not left a willingness to continue doing that. How do you trust the things that have been changed for the better until you start to hear better stories. So once you talk amongst your -and hear other people saying, oh no, “it wasn’t that bad this time. They’ve done this, they’ve done that”, then you might be more inclined. But I think at the moment, most people are saying “No way, I’m just not going to be bothered” and it gets put off.” [FG30]
“Sometimes people have been failed so many times by other services that they’re scared to use another one. … And they’re conditioned to have an anxious response because they think it’s just so negative.” [FG29]
Table 4. Factors influencing the uptake of available services
Factors influencing uptake | Example(s) |
---|---|
Awareness | “And as I said, they make it very damn hard to access stuff. And a lot of the stuff, I didn’t even know was out there until we were about to go bum up.” [FG10] |
Distrust of the government | “Just like, if you don’t trust your government, I don’t know, you know people who are like, “Oh, I don’t trust the government, you don’t know what they’re up to”, why would you use a service that they’re providing if you don’t trust them in the first place?” [FG34] |
Complexity of accessing services | “You just end up trying to do without or not avail yourself of the – not inflict on yourself the need to deal with them, and so you’re doing it without the service that they provide if they feel like it. … It could be information, it could be money or it could be support, just because at my age I’m getting – I haven’t got the energy to jump through the hoops as well as everything else I have to do. And I think I’m doing marvellously well.” [FG8] |
Cost of accessing or complying with services (time and money costs) | “And it’s the same when you deal with someone on the phone. The go, “Just pop down to your local [Financial Support Service].” And you go, oh okay, I haven’t got money for petrol or I haven’t got a car. … That’s only a three-hour drive there and three hours back. … Or I have five children and a full-time job and how am I going to get up there?” [FG6] |
Ease of access |
“In cities, if you have to see a person, if you have to go to an office, it’s much easier to get to it. Out here, if you can’t drive, tough. You’ve got to find somebody who will drive you to [regional town] or wherever you’ve got to go. Whereas in the major cities, well, you’ve got – not saying it’s the best transport system in the world, but it gets you around. You don’t have to drive. So it’s more easy to access shopfront services, if you like, for want of a better word. Whereas out here, if your internet’s down, you’re buggered.” [FG6] “Just call them when you’ve got four hours to sit there and do nothing.” [FG8] |
Influence of politicians -instability | “I avoid it because there’s just too much drama. So I don’t really use many government services apart from the ATO or Medicare, and that’s, as everyone said, you can deal with it yourself.” [FG6] |
Influence of politicians -Changes in service availability | “It’s all out for their own agenda, so usually if there’s something, say a good policy or something in place, or these people might need something for their policies, so then you’ve got to take it from somewhere. It’s like that sort of scale. So a lot of the times we’ll see good services that may be available and then the next bunch jump in and cut that and cut that, but they do this and do that.” [FG6] |
Changes in rules |
“Because the rules change, you maybe qualify at one time, and then they change the rules so you don’t, and vice versa, and so, and then it’s too late to do anything.” FG7 “I was on the disability pension until the government thought it was a great idea to make me not disabled anymore.” [FG12] |
Information of service available to individuals | “I find that you just don’t know what you’re eligible for. I’ve sat in many offices, I’ve done all the online tests and still don’t understand what I’m eligible for or what makes sense and I still don’t fully understand.” [FG16] |
Service availability in local community (wait lists) | “Yeah. It’s way too late. You know, lots of those people, unfortunately, you’d be visiting their graves. It’s too late.” [FG11] |
Poor information | “I just think that a lot of people don’t know what is available. It’s not out there enough about benefits and things that people can obtain easily enough. It’s all hidden information, and it’s up to the person to try and dig in and find out what is available for them, and I don’t think they should, I think they should be telling everyone what is available.” [FG19] |
Prior experience | “No, I don’t. I’ve never used it since. I’ll be on the bones of my backside before I go back there. I just won’t. I refuse. I’ll go and get five casual jobs before I use it.” [FG16] |
Effective Advocacy | “[Services are] too difficult for them to access, like they have to fill in forms that are too complicated or for some I guess … some people don’t have the skills to, like again with the aged care, a lot of older people just simply aren’t able to navigate that process. And don’t have someone to support them to do it.” [FG35] |
Poor service culture | “It’s not personal. You are literally a number. There is nothing – people don’t know – you’re an object.” [FG20] |
Pride/Stigma, or shame of needing service | “Yes. I know lots of people in this town, I’ve been here a lot of years, a lot of children, and I know just about everyone that works in that [Financial Support Service] office in town. I don’t want them to know my business. I feel ashamed that I have to go in there and stand in a queue and I’m sure from myself, I’m not the only that feels that way.” [FG21] |
Poor eligibility criteria | “The [criteria] are prohibitive to actually giving the money away to people who need it …” [FG25] |
Relevance to needs |
“Because it is too difficult. They don’t meet my needs. We have needs as a family and what is offered in [community] does not meet these.” [FG27] “Make the services a little bit more serviceable. I mean, they’re just – they’re there, but man, you’ve got to take out a bank loan to get there or – it’s just – everything is just half-hearted, backhanded. I don’t think there’s anything genuine about much they offer really.” [FG9] |
Complexity
The complexity of accessing services was a common complaint amongst study participants, raised in all of the focus groups about a range of services. The complexity of services often resulted in participants avoiding accessing services despite their need or eligibility, which affected their quality of living (see also Box 8):
“I’ve avoided applying for the carer’s allowance for my daughter, because the paperwork is so long and the wait time to have it approved or unapproved is so long. And so, I’ve put it off and put it off and put it off. And it’s got to a point now where we absolutely need the money so I’m going through that process and it’s not easy.” [FG8]
“I haven’t even bothered because there’s just too many horror stories and like I said, I just can’t be -it was hard enough to go through the rigmarole of the disability pension. And then to be told that everything that’s been used to get that will now not be used for the new claim. Like it’s just a massive headache. And people just in the end, just give up and that’s what I’ve done. …. [It’s] majorly stressful.” [FG12]
“Based on my past experiences with [Financial Support Service], I’m not even looking into it. We’ll try and make it work on one income and just hope for the best. Because I’m like the hoops that I know that I’m going to have to jump through. … I’m just nup. I’m not even going to do it. We’ll just eat noodles and hope for the best.” [FG1]
For one participant, the complexity of accessing a service detracted them from using the service, instead they used that time to find employment:
“Yeah. I just got a job. It was a lot easier to just get a job. And I wasn’t trying not to get a job. I was just at a time where I lost my job suddenly and thought okay I guess I’ll go and sign up for this while I’m looking for work, even went to the group thing, I can’t remember what I was doing there, and then it was just such a process and I thought how about I actually just invest this time in going and getting a job and I did.” [FG12]
Access
The push from the government for online service delivery and information provision was identified as being problematic, with a perception that many potential service users do not have adequate access to the technology or the internet due to both the cost and rural internet access:
“A lot of it goes online, but the people that are in the lower economic group that it’s sort of designed for – a lot of these things -they’ve got no access to the internet.” [FG17]
“For important things it’s really hard to trust technology because it crashes. And where I’m out on a farm, like we have blackouts and stuff and you just never know. And I don’t have a top notch computer. I’ve got a decent phone, it’s not top notch either. It’s expensive. It’s expensive to get that stuff. [FG10]
This lack of accessibility is further exacerbated for those who also find it difficult to seek further support at a shopfront due to poor transport availability (noting the lack of public transport options in regional areas):
“…if you’re in a low income bracket or you need to get a lot of these different services, you possibly haven’t got internet anyway, so you’ve got to go into [Financial Support Service], you’ve got to find a way of getting to [Financial Support Service] … But there’s a lot of people that can’t get there to be able to use that, and they haven’t got the money to be able to have the internet. … we have people who cannot get in to do their things because they don’t have a car, because they can’t afford a car.” [FG28]
Box 8. Implications of complexity of service access on disadvantaged single mother
Q. To what extent is the level to which you trust government services impacting on the decisions you make in your life?
“[It has] definitely changed my decisions a lot. I struggle with paperwork and stuff and I do need a lot of help now and again depending on what paperwork it is and I’ve seeked help and they’ve just told me you need to do it on a computer. So you go to this address and do it on the computer. I go into [Financial Support Service] if I need help with [Financial Support Service] or I go into …
Q. so what happens when they tell you that? What are the consequences of that?
“It means I just don’t do it because sometimes I do want to go but I get so frustrated that I just give up. [The consequences of this] for me and my family, if I didn’t go and fix what paperwork I’ve had to do up, my kids wouldn’t get fed, my electricity bill, I’ve needed help with that so I’ve gone to [Financial Support Service] for that energy rebate thing.
Q. so when you have to go through this process as a consequence of that flow on of events, how does that make you feel?
“[It] makes me frustrated, very frustrated because my kids need food, need electricity like I’ve gone 3 days without electricity because of it, [I] very emotional, I feel like I’m failing as a mum” [FG4]
In remote communities, the reliance on online service delivery further inhibit service access due to inhibiting factors such as illiteracy and poor technical skills:
“I just wanted to make a point about you asked how we feel accessing these things, I think here we have to be very good at using online information and be very good at reading a lot of the websites and sending things away, and applying and doing a lot of that yourself because it is there, but there is no-one to help you. … If you’ve got a high level of literacy, both with reading, writing and also computer literacy – in other words, understanding how to use websites and how to submit things, upload documents – I think if you’re good and have that good skillset, it can be quite easy accessing these services, but for people who may not have that comfortable ability to go online and read lots and lots of pages of text and then follow intricate computer directions, it can be very challenging for those people within our community.” [FG25]
Accessing online services is even harder in remote communities who rely on community based resources for access, although it was perceived that for Indigenous citizens, phone services were also problematic which further affects uptake:
“At the end of the day, not many of them would have even a computer at home, so they’ve then got to rely on the people from the health clinic for what services they can access.” [FG17]
For some citizens, poor accessibility to government services promotes alternative income generation, including seeking employment, or using the black, cash-in-hand, economy. This was identified as being particularly pertinent for citizens with lower levels of literacy:
The issue is that if it’s such a [fight] to actually access some of these sorts of services and if you’re making enough money to keep the family fed, et cetera, there’s a lot of people just not engaging. They’re choosing not to engage. … It’s not that people don’t want to engage, it’s just that it’s complicated. The government makes simple things complicated.” [FG17]
“Maybe I’d say sometimes, but that could be part of the – they’re unable to go in there and – like you were saying, they can go out and go there and write their name, but they can’t read and write all the rest of it. … Yeah, the shame effect.” [FG17]
In some communities, the co-location of services was perceived to be detrimental to service access, with negative associations in using the shopfront and concerns associated with anti-social behaviour. While online is an alternative delivery approach for some, this is not an option for some Australians and does inhibit people from using available services (ie. Medicare):
“Honestly, it feels degrading. … As you go in now, there’s security guards. There’s people drunk, fighting out the front. You’ve got to go into a queue and then you will sit with all these drunken people screaming and shouting, security guards turfing people out...” [FG20]
“My 77 year old mum, when this all started when she first went to [Health service], which is in [Financial support service] … The day she walked in there was a couple who were fighting out the front. She was covered in blood, he was covered in blood. He was defecating on the footpath at the door. He’d been kicked out. She walked in and had to sit there for 45 minutes before she was seen. In that time, same thing, there was fights in there. My mum was horrified. … I don’t think my mum would set foot in there again now.” [FG20]
“People that want to access a Medicare service they’re not going to be very game to enter our [Financial Support Service] to do so, to be very honest with you. … Because the demographics of this area do not make for some very lovely interactions, there’s some very colourful people inside that building.” [FG9]
A significant barrier to the uptake of services, was the lack of available services within the local community. This was identified primarily around health services including NDIS support services and mental health services with patients often not prioritised, despite their urgent needs (see also Box 9):
“My partner tried to utilise drug and alcohol services, saying I have a problem and he didn’t have enough of a problem to help. And I think that’s the problem that you’ve got people on the edge going help me, but oh you’re not fucked up enough so we can’t help you, wait until you’re absolutely fucked and then come and see us and it will be too late.” [FG12]
Box 9. Poor access to associated services in regional Australia
My [relative] has been diagnosed with autism so, for him, it took them five months and his mother constantly ringing to find out when they were going to get anything through, whether he was going to get any funding, what funding and accessibility he was allowed to have or where they were going to be able to go for services or whatever. There are no services here in town so she has to go [regional centre] two hours away. If she doesn’t go to [regional centre two hours away], she goes to [regional centre three hours away]. That’s been knocked on the head now because it’s just too far and when you’ve got to get a little one up who’s just turned – he’s six, we’re on the road at 7.30 in the morning to get him up to [regional centre three hours away] by 11 o’clock. And then you’ve got the paediatrician saying to us, “Well, why are you here? Why aren’t you in [regional community]?” There are no services here in [regional community], in the rural towns, because they don’t have them.”
This issue of access to services can be compounded in remoter regional communities where the distribution of services is limited and who often have long wait lists for local services due to insufficient planning of resources for communities who service a large regional area:
“I would say from travelling personally and for work throughout the [State], services probably aren’t broadly enough distributed through regional areas, or for people to access them. So we’ve spoken about the difficulties in using online platforms. The added layers of internet not working in remote locations ... And potentially your culture means that you don’t have a fixed address, which means that you won’t receive your mail, or mail services to that area are restrictive. In terms of getting the message from Australian government services to those locations and being able to access those services, very difficult.” [FG19]
“I’ve been on a wait list for two years to see somebody [locally] and I can’t -the closest person I’d have to go to is [capital city 4 hour drive] … And I just feel like when you need the help you don’t get it. … It’s just - in the country we don’t get afforded the same opportunities as we do in the city. There’s only a few good psychologists, social workers and all that that are having to burden a whole town, and not only that, we are the gateway to the [Region]. So people come to [regional community] for essential services and are putting even more of a strain on them.” [FG12]
A number of participants identified time as a constraint to utilising services, including the time it takes to engage with service providers and the opening hours which are not conducive to working Australians:
“Probably time restraints, your ability to actually engage. Like, for a phone call you’ve got to have somebody in the office to be able to pick that phone call up and if a phone call takes an hour, potentially, and you’re supposed to be at work from 8 till 5 o'clock, their office hours might only be that.” [FG20]
“Monday to Friday [services are] open, and you don’t have a time to go there. So you have to go on sick leave, or annual leave, and then go there. And stand there for two, three hours.” [FG23]
“But even with [Financial Support Service] they most likely just refer you to the online callers where you’ve got to sit on hold for three hours and you can’t take a day off to sit on hold all day. … Yeah, well that’s the point, we all work and their office hours are our work hours.” [FG26]
Participants also talked about the need for extended office and telephone hours to enable better engagement from working citizens, including the potential for a call-back service that provides an estimated time of the call-back so as people can plan their day (following services offered in the private sector).
One participant expressed concern at the overall accessibility of government services, including information, service automation and inflexible service ‘boxes’ which don’t account for all citizens circumstances:
“With increase in population, public demand, public services have grown away with a lot of businesses we are very hard to contact, very hard to get information, it’s hard to find, and sometimes the variety of the information is confusing. We get presented with automated services when we get called which can be extremely frustrating, especially someone with a disability to go through that constantly for a variety of different services, can be really tricky and there is no other way around that. And individuals are very much expected to fit into boxes, and services sometimes aren’t flexible enough to adequately deal with the shades of grey.” [FG32]
For some participants, access to services is not about technical or logistical concerns but eligibility, with eligibility criteria limiting the services they are able to use:
“Sometimes there’s no choice. At the moment I’m going through a few health issues and was told yesterday by a fairly high up institution in the public health system that, “We can’t help you anymore, you’ve got to go elsewhere because your treatment categorisation doesn’t meet our service policies so we’ve got to hand you on pretty much.” So yes, there is no choice and I’ve got to go elsewhere to try and get help.” [FG34]
Information provision
The poor quality of information provision was often raised as a barrier to trust and uptake. The complexity of information, the jargon language, and poor presentation were all raised as barriers:
“… I will sit there and read everything digital and kind of go, “Really?” Because a lot of what’s there is not relevant, it’s not presented very well … not everyone’s going to sit in front of digital media to work out what their rights and entitlements are and all the rest of that, so it becomes really problematic.” [FG17]
“I am a fan of online platforms, but I would agree that how the information is portrayed isn’t always user friendly. And the information they do share isn’t necessarily the information you need, and the explanatory terms of what might be your needs and why you would need this service, it would be displayed in other language – not in other language, in English, but it would be in government terms.” [FG19]
One participant highlighted the need for improved information and contextual sensitivity as local conditions affect citizens’ capacity to access services:
“… if I wanted to go into [Financial Support Service] and sit down with somebody and say, “Look, we’ve got a client who’s having a bit of a problem with this, what do we give them as advice?”, our local [Financial Support Service] Aboriginal staff will be more than helpful considering everything that we need, throw a lot of brochures at us, which is completely useless because the person is illiterate, but educate us to do it. And if I were to do that on the phone; completely different story. I would get some lunatic from Tasmania.” [FG17]
For many participants, issues of data privacy were a barrier to uptake. Concerns were not necessarily about poor trust in the government with personal information, but concerns about future governments and potential changes and the selling of data:
“When it comes to giving things like my rights, and my information to the government, it’s not a question of can I trust this government with my information, it’s can I trust future governments. … So, would I trust this government? Yeah I probably would. But there’s no guarantee that it’s going to be the same government in 20 years time. It’s future governments I don’t trust. And also, systems are not perfect. Things do get hacked.” [FG24]
“I am not happy with it at all. So one of you brought up data leakage and how they’re collecting all your data, well with that data collection that they’ve done, it’s available to everybody and it can be very easily linked back to you, and they’re selling your information as well.” [FG26]
Alternatives to government services
For some citizens, poor accessibility of services encourages citizens to seek alternatives to government services. These alternatives may include other forms of income generation, including seeking employment or using the black, cash-in-hand, economy. The black economy was identified in every community, with communities with seasonal work, low incomes and highly remote8 using the black economy the most. This was identified as being particularly pertinent for citizens with lower levels of literacy:
“Maybe I’d say sometimes, but that could be part of the – they’re unable to go in there and – like you were saying, they can go out and go there and write their name, but they can’t read and write all the rest of it. … Yeah, the shame effect.” [FG17]
For some, extra assistance through other forms of income is critical due to the general cost of living:
“It's the only way some people survive. Because if you've got your own house and you're on the dole or something like that, by the time you pay your rent and your electricity, and you see some of these people, they're getting $400 electricity [bills] and they have jack shit on and it's like – how can you afford that? And you've only got a certain amount of time to pay it.” [FG14]
Others chose to use the black economy due to the complexity of accessing services:
“The issue is that if it’s such a [fight] to actually access some of these sorts of services (112:50) and if you’re making enough money to keep the family fed, et cetera, there’s a lot of people just not engaging. They’re choosing not to engage. … It’s not that people don’t want to engage, it’s just that it’s complicated. The government makes simple things complicated.” [FG17]
“No, I was earning more doing cash in hand than what I would get from Centrelink. [without] having to sit in line.” [FG14]
Other alternatives to public service delivery identified during the focus groups included simply going without, using community sector services (eg. community transport buses to enable people to access health and other government services in regional centres), local community fundraising (see Box 1), and using the support of family, friends and other local networks. The use of private services was not identified by many due to the high costs associated with private services, despite their pressing need (eg. mental health services where local services have high wait times).
The use of alternative service pathways and the potential role for local community members and organisations highlights the need for place-based services that understand the community needs, service gaps and community capacity to fill these gaps. With this understanding, alternative pathways can be promoted, and alternative pathway systems provided with adequate resources that enables them to support citizens effectively. Such alternative pathway systems are typically bespoke to their community, which may be based around a geographic location or based on various cultural or demographic characteristics (eg. Indigenous, women, youth). Given these various communities within any geographic location, it is important to be mindful of what resources are within the broader communities and how they can be shared (where appropriate).
Demand for services
Participants did not often identify services that they felt were needed in their community that they could not already access, with most acknowledging that the vast majority of Australia public services were available either within the community, online or over the telephone: “There shouldn’t be in today’s society with technology and all we should be able to access everything.” [FG24]. There may be shortages of service availability delays in delivery of services (e.g. passport) due to their remote location:
“Doctors won't come here. They see us as a backwater and they want to obviously live the life or whatever in a Metropolitan area.” [FG14]
“… a lot of it is because people don’t want to come here. They’re happy in [capital city] or [major regional town]; … and they don’t want to come up to [regional town]. [FG35]
Services that were identified as not being provided were typically health related (e.g. access to specialists, mental health service providers and associated services (see Box 8) or related to internet access, with reliable internet difficult in remote Australia.
For others, the small gains from accessing the service were not sufficient to bother navigating the system:
“Yeah, I went in to get a carer’s allowance for my daughter, and I had like 70 pages to fill out, so it wasn’t enough for me to bother. And I was separated from my husband at the time, and it involved all the assets and everything, so I thought “No”.” [FG19]
“Not worth the jumping of hoops for what you are getting.” [FG25]
One focus group participant preferred not to access eligible services as they valued their personal freedoms and did not want to be trapped by service obligations:
“A treasure for me is the word “freedom”, and I feel every single time I enrol myself in one of those services, I feel almost like I’m trapped, and this may be the wrong word, but as long as I can do what I need to do to live okay within my financial means, I’ll do so. I like the freedom that I don’t feel obliged or that I maybe not a burden to the government in general. All the other people, because people, some of them desperately need them and some people maybe not but they get them anyway.” [FG22]
How can the government improve trust in public services in regional Australia?
Key findings:
- Regional citizens want service delivery that reflected their needs: ‘vanilla’ is fine for simple transactional interactions, but ‘bespoke’ personal contact and understanding (empathy) was needed for more complex cases.
- Regional citizens want choice and flexibility in the way services are delivered (online, telephone, face-to-face) according to their needs.
- Regional citizens want transparency on the progress of service delivery: they do not expect miracles, but regular feedback on the progress of their applications was seen as important to recognise their situation and that the service was actually being delivered.
- Regional citizens would like a one-stop-shop: while they do not differentiate between departments or agencies unless prompted, and would like public service delivery to be a one-stop-shop which provides proactive service delivery options and information based on their eligibility.
- Public service users expect staff to be knowledgeable and empathetic, and would like to see more training on both fronts to improve consistency across interactions.
- User-centric service design is critical. More citizen and frontline staff involvement in policy development was seen to be a way to make services more relevant and recognise local imperatives, and mitigate the ‘Canberra bubble’.
Regional citizens provided a number of insights on how service delivery could be improved from their perspective. Their conclusions predominantly centred around the four trust components: integrity, empathy, loyalty, delivery, and were focussed particularly on accessibility through flexible delivery methods, accountability, transparency, and the simplification of service offers.
User-centric design
The expressed demand for personalised services relevant to the individual citizen identified the need for collaborative user-designed services that best suit the citizens to whom the services are being delivered, and which may change from one community to the next.
“...it’s not what the community needs. They deliver a blanket approach that doesn’t suit everyone, that doesn’t suit communities, the areas that they’re delivered in, and there’s no room for adjusting.” [FG29]
Some participants noted the top-down approach for policy and service delivery and the need for more bottom-up approaches.
“I don’t think that we’ve been given the opportunity. At the moment they’re starting to look at the NGOs to develop programs, but it’s still a policy made by government. It’s still run by them and you still have to work it their way basically. You can’t come and develop your own policies and procedures because you still have to meet your KPIs, and it’s all about KPIs and money, and it’s not about quality of the job; it’s about quantity of people accessing the services and it’s crap!” [FG25]
“Realistically, through community consultation reassessing and redefining what communities need, what services need to be delivered and work to that accordingly.” [FG29]
“And they’re making these programs and policies for that, and that’s why I’m saying come, experience it, then have a comment.” [FG35]
It was common for participants to be sympathetic towards frontline staff who, they believed, were often doing the best job they could often under trying circumstances.
“I’d say talk to the people in your frontline and take them seriously because I talk to a lot of people who find their jobs frustrating because they know and because they talk to us every day, they know the issues and they get slammed against the wall too because of this, but they don’t generally have anywhere to take it. I don’t think it goes back up the ranks to understand that something needs to change when it needs to change.” [FG30]
“My experience has been quite good, I’ve found them to be very helpful when I’ve gone in there. But I notice the staff levels are getting lower and lower all the time, so the wait to get there is longer, but that’s okay, I’ve got the time to do that. But I think the stress factor that they’re under, because they are dealing with a lot of people in a delicate situation. And, unfortunately those people can turn on the [Financial Support Service] employee, not realising if they get heated or whatever the case may be. So I can understand they’re in a hard situation to start with. I don’t think there’s, the backup is not there for these people. They’re only young, inexperienced people that I’ve dealt with, they don’t know the answer to the questions, so they’ve got to get on and find out anyway.“ [FG19]
Accessibility
The need for a mix of service delivery mechanisms, rather than focusing too much online, was noted by many, as was the need to take such reforms slowly to enable the users time to adapt:
“I think they need more people on the ground, rather than taking so much of it online. Because as I said once, it’s online and it doesn’t work. It really doesn’t work. And they need more collaboration between departments, as everyone said. And they really need to listen.” [FG16]
“I think one of the issues with completely going online, is we have people here who, number one, English is not their first language. And who don’t understand the system… They need help…to expect these people to get services online is unthinkable, it would never work. They need people who can go to the community, and who can help them do what they need to do. …” [FG23]
“But you see as more technology comes in it creates issues in other areas so I think it’s really a matter of doing it gradually and making sure the customer or consumer is familiar and confident with that product before you move completely to a different platform and there are certain sectors of the community that are never going to want to go online, they are going to want to speak to a person face to face, not even over the phone and that’s where I think that’s really hard particularly in regional areas, because you don’t have that access to a person to speak to and that’s what some people still want.” [FG32]
Several focus group participants talked about the challenges of accessing some services due to them only being open during business hours, with several suggestions to improve this including initiating a call back service to reduce wait time on the phone, improving communications on the progress of applications (eg an online dashboard) to reduce follow-up phone queries, and simply providing longer hours of services both call centres and shopfronts:
“I would suggest something like a 24 hour services so there’s always a number you could call or there’s always a chat room that you can talk to someone at like 11pm instead having to come back on Monday or having to wait over the weekend or having to skip your lunchbreak to have to go to [Financial Support Service] to wait in line because when you finish work, it’s after 5pm. Just to provide services that will be available to everyone more often. It would show that they care and have responsibility for you and that would heighten my trust in them – it would like wow –they’re doing that for us. They’re trying to help us.” [FG3]
“I would like to see more flexible opening hours because even – okay, I work all the daylight hours and sometimes I don’t get in until after dark but even if you could just say, for the people who are in regional areas and it takes them a while to get in, just add that travelling and to time it with when all this might be going on, you know? Maybe someone from [regional centre] works in [regional town] and they can get a visit in like that. And possibly, even a touring[mobile service].” [FG8]
When asked to identify what they would change to improve service delivery, many participants wanted simplification, to reduce the bureaucracy and make things easier to deliver the services promised to people:
“Maybe what we need is like a government Choosy. … So, like you have a one stop shop and they do all the mucking around looking for you and they bring all the information together and say here you go.” [FG32]
“There’s too many ands, ifs or buts. Too many rules. They need to narrow everything down. You’re either eligible for this or you’re not eligible.” [FG16]
“I’d like to see the way they’ve done the thing with services New South Wales; do that with other branches where you go in and just talk to someone and its sub-branches for all them.” [FG8]
This may include, for example, specific counters for low-complexity queries as directed by the shopfront concierge to enable fast service delivery where possible:
“Well, I only use it once or twice. Like it’s very minimal usage. And minimal contact. So, when I just need somebody for one thing, it would be great if I could just go in, say what I’ve got to say, help fill out the actual form or whatever it is, and then be done with it.” [FG28]
“They’ve got a counter there. They’ve got a counter there with people sitting there. You should be able to, like the old way they used to do it, you could go to the counter, say I’ve got this form I’ve got to hand in, it’s got to be in by a certain – and hand it in. … Now, you take the form in, you’ve got to go sit over in the corner like an hour or two just to go and hand a form to somebody to say okay, that’s all in order and off you go.” [FG33]
“I remember back in the olden days we’d walk in and you’d be – able to do it at the desk, simple problem; done. Walk in there now – no matter how simple the problem is, they would send you to sit down. You could sit there half hour, hour before you see somebody about something that’s so simple and can be done over the counter. They will send you to sit down for half an hour or an hour. I think that’s what they really need to fix up.” [FG35]
Communication
Citizens believed that better feedback and information delivery was essential to them feeling respected, to empowering them with the right information to solve their issues efficiently, and to their sense that their issue was actually progressing:
“If they’re busy, to have the opportunity to leave a message and get called back when they’re not busy, instead of just getting hung up on and told to try again.” [FG8]
“And transparency and perhaps even on their websites, just making those policy statements just so much more visible. Okay, I want to find out about that and that would go a long way in that if you want to find out whether you are eligible for something and the statement, duty says that we will look after the people who require the service, well there’s your line that you can push ahead with it. So just having those statements.” [FG12]
Participants wanted to be informed of their service delivery progress and outcomes. They wanted better service delivery communications, including getting responses to enquiries/applications (within set timeframes), and being kept up to date as to where the application is at (whether it be via an online, app, email, text or personal telephone call):
“In a certain timeframe, not ‘eventually’. Give a timeframe.” [FG28].
“I’d like a service which can help me find the right information something which is complete and I can help myself, get the right answers but be able to speak to a human or something similar like a bot or something if I can't get the right answers. So, I would like to have all the resources there to be able to find out what exactly the department offers but having someone a human there would be great.” [FG32]
Staff skills development
With respect to the impact of frontline staff (both by telephone and face-to-face) on trust and experience, regional citizens expressed a desire for more staff (to reduce waiting times), more training for staff (both to expand their capability to deal with issues and to deal with them more empathetically):
“I know [Financial Support Service] do provide that service here. Because I’ve got a friend that’s husband [sic] works there, and he’s always out bush in communities teaching them, you know, and explaining things to them. But there’s not enough staff on the ground.” [FG23]
“It gets back down to training, training of staff, but give staff motivation to respect their positions and the people they’re dealing with.” [FG11]
“I’ve got a lot to do with [Financial Support Service] face-to-face issues. I think that some of their staff are not trained well enough. Some of them are very, very good and some of them are hopeless and there’s a lot in between and I don’t know anything about their training and how they do it, but I get the impression that a lot of their staff are not trained.” [FG34]
“But I think when it comes to things like the [Financial Support Service] and those sort of intricate dealings and things, and I guess [Financial Support Service] that - I think there has to be a certain level of training and understanding that as a consumer they should know more than us. I think there’s an expectation that you actually should know more than what I know on this subject, that’s why I’m ringing you.” [FG30]
Additionally, there is potential to move away from the traditional staffing models of government services, and work more closely with local communities to empower local community members to provide ongoing support to their community, thus enable bespoke and culturally appropriate service delivery:
“Yeah, pretty much the same, empowering people. Giving them the tools to help themselves. … They don’t need to have a [Financial Support Service] agent doing that, there’s people that could be working better amongst their own people within the schools or within the community services, should be able to help, because then you’ve got someone who cares too. Maybe in some communities there’s people within those communities that could help deliver and help the people… [FG21]
Advocacy
A key observation was the reported extensive use of both formal and informal advocacy to achieve outcomes when dealing with public services.
“I notice with my mum being a pensioner, she can’t use a computer that well, I have to go in and bat for her a lot. Like, ring up and rip to get anything done. And I think if someone hasn’t got someone that can do that, with all of these departments, then they’re in trouble.” [FG11]
“So then I’m asking questions along those lines and one of the first things [Health Service Agency] said to me, “Right, you need your mother here, you need your father here, they need to authorise over the phone that you are connected and can go in and have a look at all their data, you can make decisions, you can be the contact person.” And if you didn’t have a support or an advocate I don’t think – there’s a lot of elderly people out there that need services, would qualify for services, but are not getting them because there’s not somebody there [for them].” [FG15]
“I don’t know how many times she walked out of [Financial Support Service], just absolutely bawling her eyes out because they would tell her a different story, and she would have to start back at square one. And it made me angry. And I think they should have a designated person, “Okay, you’re applying for the pension. Sit down with me, we’ll go through what you want, do you have a computer?”. [FG19]
In sum, the lessons we can learn from these citizen insights are:
- Improve the service experience – cut the complexity, reduce the silos, make services easier to access, increase the knowledge of front-line staff;
- Increase the transparency of the service process (e.g. “like the ATO”), including clear lines of accountability between government and citizen;
- Embed a service culture – address issues of poor customer service through reforms that recognise and respect citizens. Improved training and resourcing of front-line staff is essential;
- Deliver for citizens – deliver services that suit citizens not government. Make them accessible by reducing wait times, hold office hours outside normal business hours to improve access, use a variety of delivery platforms that are designed to suit the environmental context;
- Ensure that the right information is in the right place at the right time. Improve clarity of, and access to, information and thereby increase awareness of services. Use a variety of channels to target a range of audiences.
Footnotes
[7] Another concern raised which differed across communities was access to health services, especially specialist services. However this is a State government issue and hence is not discussed in this report.
[8] This is not always for income generation, may also be to support friends and other community members and receive a small amount of money as a thank you. In remote communities was often to share resources/skills etc that were difficult to access.